斯里兰卡和马来西亚的族群冲突治理：两国制度韧性不同产生的治理效果差异

… in Sri Lankan and Malaysian ethnic conflict raise important issues about the development of conflict and conflict… problem, but it has also had better conflict management. The outcomes of …

… ethnic relations, till 1972 or so when tensions broke out once more, culminating in the riots of 1977. After 1977, the efforts of another UNP government to … of ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka’s …

… institutions of government within Malaysia and Sri Lanka, influenced as … bi-ethnic state of Sri Lanka or Malaysia,it is apparent that the relationship between State policy and ethnic conflict …

… of Sri Lanka and public policies affecting ethnic relations in a … did Malaysia avoid its potential ethnic conflict while Sri Lanka … Compared to Sri Lanka, despite the Malaysian government’s …

… Bringing together contributions from the comparative politics … -conflict peacebuilding, this article examines how ethnic divisions … to institution-building in the wake of armed ethnic conflict …

High-quality institutions -- reflected in such factors as rule of law, bureaucratic quality, freedom from government expropriation, and freedom from government repudiation of contracts -- mitigate the adverse economic effects of ethnic fractionalization identified by Easterly and Levine (1997) and others. Ethnic diversity has a more adverse effect on economic policy and growth when a government's institutions are poor. But poor institutions have an even more adverse effect on growth and policy when ethnic diversity is high. In countries where the institutions are good enough, however, ethnic diversity does not lessen growth or worsen economic policies. Good institutions also reduce the risk of wars and genocides that might otherwise result from ethnic fractionalization. However, these forms of violence are not the channel through which ethnic fragmentation and its interaction with institutions affect economic growth. Ethnically diverse nations that want to endure in peace and prosperity must build good institutions.

… The results of this study provide some modest support for consociationalism, but they cannot be regarded as a ringing endorsement of the stronger claims about the importance of …

Institutional frameworks powerfully determine the goals, violence, and trajectories of identitarian movements—including secessionist movements. However, both small-Nand large-Nresearchers disagree on the question of whether “power-sharing” arrangements, instead of repression, are more or less likely to mitigate threats of secessionist mobilizations by disaffected, regionally concentrated minority groups. The PS-I modeling platform was used to create a virtual country “Beita,” containing within it a disaffected, partially controlled, regionally concentrated minority. Drawing on constructivist identity theory to determine behaviors by individual agents in Beita, the most popular theoretical positions on this issue were tested. Data were drawn from batches of hundreds of Beita histories produced under rigorous experimental conditions. The results lend support to sophisticated interpretations of the effects of repression vs. responsive or representative types of power-sharing. Although in the short run repression works to suppress ethnopolitical mobilization, it does not effectively reduce the threat of secession. Power-sharing can be more effective, but it also tends to encourage larger minority identitarian movements.

ABSTRACT Despite the prominence of the resilience concept in democracy studies, attempts to actually measure democratic resilience, and to understand the causal pathways that link a political system’s capacity to remain or become resilient (‘resilience capacity’) to its actual degree of resilience (‘resilience performance’), remain rare. Using a fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA), this study examines the level of democratic resilience and the causal pathways through which capacities impact the resilience performance of 18 countries and 35 cases in Asia-Pacific in the context of two exogenously induced crises. We show that, despite the pessimistic mood in current democratisation studies, there is considerable variation in the resilience performance of electoral regimes in this region. Furthermore, we identify two equally sufficient combinations of causal conditions to explain democratic resilience and a single sufficient condition to explain weak or absent democratic resilience.

What types of institutional dynamics and conditions allow constitutional resilience in the face of attempts at undermining gains in a constitutional democracy? Using Sri Lanka as a case-study, I claim that the legal complex acting in synergy with independent public institutions (the Speaker of the Parliament) and civil society can produce constitutional resilience. Synergy between the legal complex and these institutions can transform constitutional vulnerability into constitutional resilience. I argue therefore that the legal complex theory must be extended to consider the ways in which it can work in synergy with other public institutions in being resilient against attempts at rolling back gains for constitutional democracy. I argue further that synergy between the legal complex and formal and informal institutions over the short term can only result in “simple” constitutional resilience. The development of “reflexive” constitutional resilience requires long-term synergy between the legal complex and other public institutions.

… encourage activists to work through political parties rather than civil … Importantly, while the specific structure of Malaysia's … Furthermore, the nature of Malaysian political campaigns, …

… regime resilience outside of the traditional rubric of political science. Importantly, the essays incorporate a better understanding of society, the law and economy in how these factors are …

… convergence that took place between politics in Thailand and Malaysia. In Thailand, an … under a government led by the Thai Rak Thai (“Thai Loves Thai”) party. In Malaysia, electoral …

… other is critical to understanding regime resilience today. The second implication … regime resilience. An important part of widening our horizon is to move beyond explanations in political …

… in its implementation because of a lack of state capacity (limited funds, insufficient qualified … of failure of power sharing to provide peace and stability in ethnically diverse societies. They …

Why do former belligerents institutionalize power-sharing arrangements after a civil war ends? The choice of power-sharing institutions shapes the nature of governance in many post-conflict settings. A better understanding of how belligerents come to choose institutionalized forms of power-sharing would thus help us explain how belligerents come to make a seemingly simple institutional choice that may have immense consequences. Existing scholarship emphasizes the nature of the conflict preceding negotiations, international actors, or state institutional capacity as critical factors for determining whether former belligerents will agree to share power or not. Yet these accounts overlook the importance of political considerations between and within ethnic groups. This article argues that elites create power-sharing institutions when the most significant threat to their political power comes from an outside group as opposed to from within their own group. That is, forward-looking and power-minded leaders of former belligerents push for the type of power-sharing at the negotiating table that affords them the greatest opportunity to influence country-level politics after the conflict has concluded in full. For elites facing competition from outside, this means securing power-sharing through institutional rules and guidelines in the settlement of the civil war to ensure that they are included in the governance of the state. By contrast, for elites fearing in-group rivals, complex governance institutions are at best unnecessary and, at worst, a significant concession to weaker opponents. I test the argument with a cross-national analysis of an original dataset of 186 power-sharing negotiations from 1945–2011. The empirical analysis suggests that elites are most likely to institutionalize power-sharing when no single ethnic group dominates politics and when most ethnic groups are unified. The quantitative analysis is complemented with illustrative examples from cases of power-sharing negotiations that offer insight into the proposed theoretical mechanisms.

For managing and settling ethnic conflicts, power-sharing arrangements often seem an appropriate solution. The former antagonists are forced to work together and make decisions by consensus; the ultimate goal is to turn opponents into partners. Obviously, this concept can only be successful under specific conditions and by specific arrangements. Based on a comparative analysis of six cases of power-sharing, the article aims (1) to identify favourable conditions as well as (2) to evaluate the quality of regulations. For successful conflict regulation, both aspects have to be taken into account: if the most favourable conditions are missing or will not be attained over time, then the `best' power-sharing constitution will fail. If, in turn, `bad' or insufficient rules and procedures prevail, then even the presence of comparatively beneficial factors will probably not avoid failure. Success will be understood as achievement and sustainability of a particular solution. The article is subdivided into four sections. First, the concept of power-sharing (or consociationalism) will be mapped out. Second, successful and failed European cases of power-sharing will be briefly presented. Third, by comparing these cases, the relevance of a set of conditions - usually assumed to be favourable for success - will be examined. Fourth, the quality of the institutional design of power-sharing regimes will be evaluated in order to distinguish `better' regulations from more problematic or even counterproductive ones. In concluding, the author points to the crucial role of political elites in sustaining shared rule, but stresses at the same time that in most cases their behaviour is shaped by the institutional arrangements themselves. These have to be designed in a way that supports and fosters learning processes among decisionmakers.

Conflict over territorial control in divided societies is widespread, frequently violent and difficult to resolve, and thus merits systematic analytical and empirical engagement. Extending the discussion of territorial approaches to conflict management in divided societies beyond the usually narrower focus on federation and autonomy, this article develops the concept of territorial self-governance as a form of state construction and conflict management, arguing that it encompasses five distinct arrangements from confederation and federation to federacy, devolution and decentralisation and illustrates their manifestations with examples from 12 countries across three continents. The article establishes and tests a framework to explain their emergence, examines the conditions under which they are combined with other conflict management strategies, such as power sharing, and reflects on their track record of providing stability in divided societies, finding it more promising than its critics allow.

This article analyzes Malaysia's management of ethnic relations through the integration of policy frameworks, institutional practices, and quotidian social dynamics to maintain national cohesion. This paper contextualizes Malaysia’s experience within wider comparative discussions by utilizing both historical and modern academic perspectives from Furnivall’s concept of the plural society to Anderson’s imagined communities and also revisited the Barth’s ethnic boundary theory, social identity theory, and intergroup contact theory. It then examines the development of Malaysia's policy framework (constitutional provisions, redistributive policies, education and language policies, community cohesion programs), emphasizes practices in schools, universities, workplaces, and civil society, and identifies new challenges in the digital age. The article contends that Malaysia's model is optimally comprehended as a stratified initiative by integrating state-directed redistribution, consociational negotiation, and micro-level interaction that necessitates constant revision to combat inequality, polarization, and online detriments. Suggestions are made for policies that will make the management of ethnic relations in Malaysia stronger, more evidence-based, more inclusive, and more prepared for the future.

… by theories of comparative politics and political development, the concept of nation-building was … By postulating nation-building as a primary task for the new states, the model laid out a …

Abstract This research focuses on the issue of state-minority contestations involving transforming and reconstituting each other in post-independent Sri Lanka. This study uses a qualitative research method that involves critical categories of analysis. Migdal’s theory of state-in-society was applied because it provides an effective conceptual framework to analyse and explain the data. The results indicate that the unitary state structure and discriminatory policies contributed to the formation of a minority militant social force (the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – The LTTE) which fought with the state to form a separate state. The several factors that backed to the defeat of the LTTE in 2009 by the military of the state. This defeat has appreciably weakened the Tamil minority. This study also reveals that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society in Sri Lanka still prevail, hampering the promulgation of inclusive policies. This study concludes that inclusive policies are imperative to end state minority contestations in Sri Lanka.

… war termination, political management of the ethnic conflict … re-making the state in Sri Lanka might best be imagined as … , of the war through negotiations between the government and …

Sri Lanka's civil war is over, but the nationalist ideologies that gave rise to it live on, and continue to define the parameters of a post-war future. At the end of the war in 2009, the government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa consciously prioritised economic development in order to rebuild and catch up. But development also served a larger purpose beyond physical reconstruction: economic growth and transformation, it was suggested, would address the underlying drivers of grievance. It would reintegrate the war-torn north and east, rebuild legitimacy for the state through service provision, and create new ground realities that would help to transcend the basis for the resurgence of a violent separatist threat.

Following the military defeat of LTTE terrorism in May 2009, the relationship between ethnic and religious groups in Sri Lanka became seriously fragmented as a result of intensified anti-minority sentiments and violence. Consequently, the ethnic Muslims (Moors) became the major target in this conflict. The major objective of this study is to critically evaluate the nature and the impact of the anti-Muslim sentiments expressed and violence committed by the extreme nationalist forces during the process of ethnic reconciliation in post-war Sri Lanka. The findings of the study reveal that, with the end of civil war, Muslims have become “another other” and also the target of ethno-religious hatred and violence from the vigilante right-wing ethno-nationalist forces that claim to be protecting the Sinhala-Buddhist nation, race, and culture in Sri Lanka. These acts are perpetrated as part of their tactics aimed to consolidate a strong Sinhala-Buddhist nation—and motivated by the state. Furthermore, the recourse deficit and lack of autonomy within the organizational hierarchy of the Buddhist clergy have motivated the nationalist monks to engage in politics and promote a radical anti-minority rhetoric. This study recommends institutional and procedural reforms to guide and monitor the activities of religious organizations, parties, and movements, together with the teaching of religious tolerance, as the preconditions for ethnic reconciliation and ethnic harmony in post-war Sri Lanka. This study has used only secondary data, which are analyzed in a descriptive and interpretive manner.

… his resignation and forced the government to move its vaunted … , Sri Lanka's president referred to the ethnic conflict between … Indeed, Sri Lanka stands as a classic example of how state …

… of international interest and involvement in the conflict in Sri Lanka and its resolution. This is … language policy in Sri Lanka and, subsequently, the armed ethnic conflict. The perception is …

Since Sri Lankan ethnic conflict was considered as a confrontation between the majority Sinhalese and the minority Tamils, the impact of conflict and civil war on other [minority] ethnic groups has always been sidetracked by major parties involved in resolving conflict. One of the communities severely impacted but always forgotten in the discourse of resolution process is the Muslims who ever resorted to violent agitations and arm rebellion to resolve their problem and achieve their political objectives. However, the constant impact of ethnic conflict and civil war on the lives and livelihoods of the community caused them to search for political and institutional mechanism to protect them. Muslim autonomy demand has emerged on this backdrop in the middle of 1980s and has been advocated by Muslim parties and public in the discourse of ethnic politics in Sri Lanka. There has been changing dynamics, phases of acceleration and sidetracks on the advocacy of the demand. This paper aims to examine the changing dynamics of the Muslim demand for territorial autonomy in the eastern part of Sri Lanka. The study was conducted using both primary and secondary data collected from desk analysis and field survey conducted in three years. Analysis of the study is interpretive and descriptive in nature. Findings reveal that the fragmentation of Muslims politics, demerge of north-eastern province, and the new political context in eastern Sri Lanka not only caused to sidetrack the demand but also made the demand politically contested and irrelevant.

Sri Lankan Muslims, the second largest minority ethnic group with 9.4 per cent (2012) of the total population has been victimized in the cause of ethnic politics, ethno-nationalism, and ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. Like other ethnic groups in Sri Lanka, the Muslims also have a historical origin that follows a set of distinctive ethno-centric cultural and religious practices. They have contributed much to the communal harmony, socio-economic and political development of the country throughout the history of Sri Lanka. However, the ethnic distinctiveness of Sri Lankan Muslims has always been questioned and the community has been violently targeted in the cause of time. The ethnic politics and ethno-nationalism of both major ethnic groups, the Sinhalese and the Tamils have impacted a lot on the Muslims of Sri Lanka. Furthermore, most of the initiatives adopted to resolve the ethnic conflict have also failed to address the grievances and to accommodate the interests and demands of the Muslims. The devastating effects of the conflict on Muslim community and the continuous neglect of their interests in the discourses of peace process pushed them to politically mobilize for advocacy politics. On this backdrop, this paper pays attention on the historical survival of Muslim community, their position in ethnic politics and peace process in Sri Lanka. The main objective of this paper is to record the historical incidents related with the Muslims in Sri Lanka without pointing fingers at any party in these processes. The analysis of this paper is descriptive and interpretive in nature and only the secondary data is used for the analysis.

Abstract Regional politics play a decisive role in national politics when region poses ethnic groups in competing manner. Sri Lanka’s Eastern province has been a contested region in terms of ethnic and territorial integration as well as the integration of majority and minorities from the independence of the country, during civil war, and in the post-civil war era. This study explores the ethnic groups’ competition for political control and autonomy, as well as its impact in Eastern Sri Lanka. This study has employed both qualitative and quantitative data, collected mainly through secondary sources such as literary books, book chapters, journal articles, newspaper cuttings, and government documents, which are analyzed and presented through interpretive and descriptive manners. The study has found that the Eastern province has been a contested choice for the ethnic majority to extend their ethnic domination, and to implement ethno-centric development-cum settlement policies and programs, all of which are ultimately induced to change the ethnic composition of the region and pushed ethnic minorities to mobilize and demand for more decentralized power and autonomy in the region. The thirty-year prolonged civil war made the region not only a war-torn, but also let to undermining regional democratic principles, including minorities’ rights for autonomy. The study also reveals that the new emerging post-war political context at the provincial and national levels continues to undermine the minorities’ hopes for autonomy in the region. Nevertheless, the region has emerged as ‘role-model’ for ethnic cohesive politics.

… liberalisation, changes in the governance structure and the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. … , changes in the political/governance system and the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka (see, for example…

In several post-colonial countries, nation building has been regarded as one of the most important tasks since World War II. Globally, all aim to achieve unity and harmony among ethnic groups. This effort is not an easy task because of the characteristics of a third world country itself is colored by ethnic diversity. In some countries, the government's efforts to unite the nation face failure due to ethnic and religious conflicts. This study tries to explore how Malaysia and Nigeria manage their ethnic conflicts in term of policy making and also in their respective constitution. Both countries are colonized by Britain and at the same time, hoping for unity for their citizens but the problem they are facing is on how to manage conflicts in order to achieve nation building. Therefore, constitution and policy making must be respected, adhered, and met their citizen needs. Data collection method used in this paper is based on secondary sources from both countries.

… that the Sri Lankan conflict should be left to the management of … dialogue with the Government of India on Sri Lanka, and "we … Malaysia are the other countries which supplied arms to Sri …

ABSTRACT In a context of areas of limited statehood and contested order, Iraq, Lebanon and Syria have been affected by similar diffuse global and more specific regional and local risks over the past two decades. Yet they differ in outcomes. Lebanon has not descended into civil war despite fears that the one raging in Syria might spill over to its territory and Iraq has coped better over the past decade than Syria has – despite having been subject to various forms of conflict since 1980. We analyse this variance by asking to what extent resilience might buffer against violent conflict and governance breakdown. Through a comparative discussion of sources of resilience – social trust, legitimacy and institutional design – we find that limited input and threatened output legitimacy are harmful to resilience, while collective memory and reconciliation, as well as flexibility of institutions are crucial factors of resilience. Nonetheless, our findings caution that resilience should not only mean the capability to adapt to crises but also needs to set the stage for comprehensive and inclusive transformations that are locally rooted.

Extant research has explored the effect of natural hazards on the risk of armed conflict, but very few studies have examined how conflict dynamics affect disaster risk reduction (DRR), including climate change adaptation. This is surprising given the empirical evidence that indicates how often disasters and armed conflicts collide. To understand better the impact of armed conflict on DRR, this paper develops a conceptual typology that is based on rebel groups' territorial control and on the strength of informal institutions. It documents three main political orders amid conflict: rebel stability; informal stability; and fragmented landscape. These wartime political orders will have different effects on DRR and other development programmes, revealing the importance of desegregating armed conflict to facilitate tailor-made and more efficient interventions. The paper provides empirical evidence from Mali and the Philippines that illustrates the influence of these wartime political orders on DRR programmes.

… another way ritual occasions promote institutional resilience. Ritual occasions highlight and … argues that it is not underlying ethnic or racial differences, but the cultural strength of bound- …

… or ethnic origin by providing quality, affordable institutional … or ethnic arguments that emphasise differences between so-… There is a stark difference between the labour participation of …

… difference (class, race, ethnicity, sexuality, age), and the intersectional effects of internationally-led resilience … from a focus on institution-building, a resilience approach to peacebuilding …

… differences between citizens and immigrants in the context of social benefits (Koning 2020). We indeed find that higher ethnic … differences of trust are not predicted by this institutional …

In developing countries where access to and use of renewable natural resources essential to rural livelihoods are highly contested, improving cooperation in their management is increasingly seen as an important element in strategies for peacebuilding, conflict prevention, and longer-term social-ecological resilience. While researchers have made important advances in recent years in assessing the role of environmental resources as a causal factor in civil conflict, analysis of the positive potential of collective natural resource management efforts to reduce broader conflict is less developed. In particular, there is a need for analytical tools that not only describe stakeholder interactions and outcomes but also yield practical guidance on what development practitioners and policy makers can do to promote such goals. Addressing this need, we present a framework focused on the links between collective action, conflict prevention, and social-ecological resilience. Building on the institutional analysis and development (IAD) model, and incorporating principles from the sustainable livelihoods approach and resilience theory, the framework is applicable across multiple scales of analysis, linking local stakeholder dynamics to the broader institutional and governance context. Accounting for both formal and informal relationships of power and influence, as well as values and stakeholder perceptions alongside material interests, the framework aims to provide insight into the problem of (re)building legitimacy of resource management institutions in conflict-sensitive environments. We present the elements of the framework and outline its application in stakeholder-based problem assessment and planning, participatory monitoring and evaluation, and multi-case comparative analysis.

… how conflict erodes social capital, institutions, and trust toward governments, all increasing affected people’s disaster vulnerability. For instance, comparing disaster resilience between …

… resilience to be assessed over an extended period of time. Our understanding of institutional resilience … The resilience of the KGB in comparison to that of the Army and the Party, before …

… of institutional resilience and its importance in maintaining peace and stability, especially in conflict … the micro function of social actors in creating or hindering institutional resilience. …

Latin American regionalism displays a long history of crises, which have affected almost all regional organisations (ROs) across different waves of regionalism. The article conducts the first comparative analysis of the outcomes of crises in Latin American ROs across time, tackling the following questions: What have been the outcomes of the crises faced by Latin American ROs? Under what conditions does a crisis result in the survival or breakdown of the affected RO in Latin America? We adopt a multi-method approach that combines QCA with process tracing to identify the causal pathways to the survival or breakdown of ROs across a universe of eight crises. The findings show that Latin American ROs have been resilient to crises, which resulted in RO survival in seven cases out of eight. The QCA reveals how the distributive nature of interstate conflicts and the availability of majority voting are both sufficient conditions for Latin American ROs to survive a crisis. Analysis of the outlier case of UNASUR shows that normative conflicts that take place in the absence of majority voting constitute a ‘perfect storm’ configuration that can lead to RO breakdown. The findings also show that Latin America ROs’ tendency to survive crises is associated with the preservation of the status quo in terms of institutional design, which in some cases is achieved through the temporary flexibilisation of existing rules. Differently from the case of the EU, then, the crises of Latin American ROs have not led to the deepening of regional integration, but rather to institutional inertia.

… of crisis relates to institutional resilience. We argue that institutional resilience can be … a co-constitutive dynamic of crisis and institutional adaptation, brought together through the (…

… minorities were thus routinely seen as a threat to state stability and to national cohesion. … Drawing attention to the consequences of conflicting perceptions for the conflict management …

… we are focused exclusively on multicultural policies. Second, … of such a test would not significantly differ from our results in this … at lower levels of government, such as states or cities, we …

… to securing stable multicultural democracies over time. Moreover, in the absence of trust … He suggested that we ought to view the government itself as a kind of trust. The legislature, …

… States are unlikely to accept minority self-government if they fear it will lead to islands of local tyranny within a broader democratic state… categories, the likely outcome will be a retreat …

ABSTRACT Over the first two decades of the twenty-first century, multiculturalism has come under fire from champions of civic integration and far right-wing populists. Despite this, multiculturalism policies persist, in many cases increasing in frequency and strength. How might we make sense of this puzzling outcome? We weigh the merits of explanations based on (i) public attitudes, (ii) political parties and electoral politics, and (iii) institutions. Drawing on public opinion data, expert survey data for party positions, and case study analyses, we argue that multiculturalism policies survive when they are protected by institutional actors and norms supportive of them and by either de-politicization within the party system or a refusal of mainstream parties to co-opt the anti-multicultural views of the far-right.

… from the multicultural approach to governing state-minority rela tions in liberal democratic states, … dialogue, will benefit peace and international stability in the long term."54 It asserts that …

… – has had major consequences for the political agenda in … in receiving states – the ideology of equality, state management … political science that a state is more stable when based on a …

… of multicultural accommodation who accept this line of critique, recognition in its specifically democratic form aims, not to ensure the survival or the stability or … outcomes of deliberative …

As super-diversity becomes a normalized socio-demographic fact in contemporary societies, the issue of managing its complex manifestations has become a salient feature of academic and policy debates around the world. Recently, these debates have particularly centred on what would constitute an optimal approach to managing group diversity and intercultural relations, in a context of global migration challenges, pandemic-related inequalities, rising levels of racism, and international conflicts. While much of the recent literature has focused on whether the two dominant approaches, multiculturalism and interculturalism, offered distinct alternatives, there has been little agreement so far, both at the theoretical and policy levels, on the specific direction future diversity governance should take. This article critically examines this contested discourse by reframing diversity as a multi-layered state of being and knowing, that can be understood beyond mere factual differences among ethno-cultural groups. This reframing is pursued by laying out an interactive framework between the hardware and software of pluralism, centred around key normative articulations in relation to cultural recognition, social justice, intergroup solidarity, and political representation. Such a multi-level approach envisages intercultural understanding being realized not against but within a broader of multicultural context and policy setting.

… outcomes regarding labour market participation, spatial segregation and incarceration. The results suggest that multicultural … and the management of cultural diversity. These were all …

… with the many practical consequences deriving from what he regarded … multicultural policy implementations. He was particularly wary of Hawk era popular ‘naive’ modes of multicultural …

… evidence, we suspect that multicultural policies may also have … , satisfaction with government, we again find similar results. … Generally, our results suggest that the public concerns about …

… of the level of resilience and sustainability achieved from post… from, future disasters in Sri Lanka and elsewhere. The paper … peace the government needs to engage all Sri Lankans and …

PurposeFirst, the paper examines the short-term fiscal and budgetary responses of the South Asian governments to the COVID-19 pandemic. Next, it brings out the implications of such responses, focusing on India, Nepal and Sri Lanka.Design/methodology/approachThe paper is based on multiple secondary data sources, including the viewpoints of experts and government officials. Data are analysed using the ideas of financial resilience.FindingsSouth Asian governments' response to the pandemic shows a gap in understanding the magnitude of the problem and in developing financial resilience. This paper points out the importance of avoiding austerity, becoming more cautious in accepting lending conditions, rethinking public sector accountability and revitalising mutual collaboration through SAARC for developing financial resilience, both at individual country and regional levels.Originality/valueThe study offers some insights on policy implications for South Asian governments in terms of building financial resilience to deal with future crises.

Purpose The civil war prompted many Tamils to flee Sri Lanka as refugees. Several researchers have documented psychological distress and trauma among Sri Lankan Tamil refugees, but the literature lacks sufficient discussion of resilience among this population. Although Sri Lankan Tamil refugees have experienced conflict and loss, they have also demonstrated positive adaptation following these challenges. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach The present study used an ecological approach, in which the effect of the environment on a person is regarded as significant, to explore resilience among Sri Lankan Tamils living in refugee camps in India. Findings Through a qualitative investigation of refugee experiences of war and camp life, the authors developed a conceptual framework for understanding individual and collective resilience among refugees. Research limitations/implications Additionally, the results of this study need to be interpreted with caution because participants were camp refugees, which may limit the applicability of these results with refugees who live in different settings. Practical implications The current research results show that intervention programs should have multiple components, including trauma intervention to address the individual and community psychological and psychiatric effects of war and migration experiences and psychosocial interventions to address individual, family, community dynamics and daily stressors. Social implications The study participants stated that Sri Lankan Tamil refugees are using their resilience traits including will power, positive talk, practical solutions, social support, religion and social networks to remake their broken souls. Originality/value Future studies need to be conducted with other refugee group to validate the findings of the paper.

COVID-19 has showcased the systematic nature of risks. Its effects have spanned beyond the health sector causing severe economic disruptions. Sri Lanka's GDP contracted by 3.6% in 2020 from a 2.3% growth in 2019, reflecting the largest economic downturn recorded in the country's history. Although the COVID-19 pandemic has been largely perceived as unprecedented by most economic sectors and businesses functioning within them, pandemics are not a novel phenomenon given their intermittent occurrence in the past. This study aimed at examining the resilience of four key sectors in Sri Lanka during the COVID-19 pandemic, namely apparel, tourism, agriculture and construction. The study sought to identify the factors that have both enhanced and hindered their resilience during the pandemic and provide recommendations to strengthen their resilience for future pandemics and multi-hazard scenarios featuring pandemics. The study draws upon primary data gathered through four round table discussions carried out with a total of 31 key informants representing the selected sectors. The findings reveal that for economic resilience to be achieved within the selected economic sectors, resilience building measures should be undertaken at three levels, while also recognising the need for consonance and congruence between measures taken at each level: 1) organizational level;2) sectoral level and 3) country level.

The aim of this paper is to understand the extent to which the start-up motives can influence social-ecological resilience in community-based entrepreneurship setting. The case study …

… ethnic tensions degenerate into a cycle of violence, efforts toward reconciliation and inclusion need to start early and be sustained as long as possible. To this end, the international …

… power sharing among new political forces, iii) new regime's subsequent reneging of the pact and systematic monopoly of political process through coercive violence … of state capacity to …

… in many of the former constituent republics, where the mechanism of power-sharing was … threats of further ethnic conflicts and wars. Nigeria is another conflict-ridden state where it has …

… In some circumstances, eg where ethnic communities are not ethnonationalist (ie … that a unitary state with power sharing at the centre will suffice as a mechanism to settle conflicts. In …

In societies severely divided by ethnicity, race, religion, language, or any other form of ascriptive affiliation, ethnic divisions make democracy difficult, because they tend to produce ethnic parties and ethnic voting. Two commonly proposed methods of amelioration are called consociational and centripetal . Three problems derive from these proposals: The first concerns the adoptability of either of the two principal prescriptions. Under what conditions can either be adopted? The second relates to a possibility inherent in centripetal regimes: the potential degradation of the electoral arrangements that sustain the interethnic coalition. The third derives from a common consequence of the adoption of a consociational regime: Where robust guarantees, including minority vetoes, are adopted, immobilism is a strong possibility, and it may be very difficult to overcome the stasis that immobilism can produce. By examining these three problems, we can uncover some of the frailties inherent in both of the common prescriptions.

… of ethnic conflict. This book presents the scholarly and practitioner debate over power sharing in the context of ethnic conflict … practices of, power sharing. It also highlights concerns and …

… -present regional dimensions of Hutu–Tutsi ethnic conflict, human rights bodies might rightly … power to use traditional forms of law, questions can arise as to the central state's capacity to …

… such as ‘complex power-sharing’ have increased in prominence in recent years. Indeed, as highlighted by Rothchild and Roeder (2003: 5), “power sharing has become the international …

… of self-determination conflicts are crucial in determining the institutional design of their settlement: the compactness of groups' settlement patterns in a given state; the degree of ethnic …

… approaches to ethnic conflicts: studies on ethnic clientelism … have on the dynamics of ethnic conflicts. For each of these … The premise holds that the politicisation of ethnicity is to be …

… ethnic conflicts we observe in Africa rather ‘take the form of struggles for a share of state power … state may be neutral (that is, language, culture and symbols are not tied to any particular …

Sharing power between warring parties has become a standard arrangement to end civil wars during the post-Cold War era. One reason is that peace agreements have become significantly more common. After 1989, peace agreements have been signed in close to half of all civil wars. Before 1989, peace agreements were quite rare, and many conflicts ended in the victory of one party. After a victory, the life and liberty of defeated groups were often endangered. Peace agreements seek to prevent such oppression. The vast majority of peace agreements include provisions for the sharing of power to balance the influence of actors in the country. During the period 1989 to 2004, 70 out of all 83 agreements signed provided for power-sharing (Jarstad and Nilsson, 2008: 215).

ABSTRACT Studies have examined the shortfalls and complexities of modern mechanisms on conflict resolution. However, this study attempts to answer question as to whether the role of traditional institutions could still be found as efficient and complementary to cover up the shortfalls and complexities of modern state structure on conflict resolution. It adopts an in-depth qualitative research method. This study was conducted in Southwest Nigeria. It utilises purposive sampling technique to select formal and modern groups for the evaluation purposes. It provides an independent critique of the role of traditional institutions on intra-communal conflict resolution in modern times by drawing perspectives and inferences from formal and civil society groups. Interviews and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were used to generate qualitative data. Content analysis and ZY index were used for analytical purpose. It reveals that there is still a symbiotic relationship between the traditional institutions and formal/state institutions on intra-conflict resolution matters. Thus, the former has the capacity to close the shortfalls and complexities of the latter on intra-communal conflict resolution. This study concludes that the roles of traditional institutions are still found to be complementary of modern governance structure, with appreciable level of efficacy especially on intra-communal matters.

How does government bias affect prospects for peace agreements in communal conflicts? Government bias has been shown to have a strong impact on the incidence and dynamics of localized ethnic conflict, but the way that it affects conflict resolution remains underexplored. I argue that government bias makes the conflict parties less likely to overcome the commitment problem, because they cannot trust the government’s willingness to guarantee or uphold any agreement they reach. Consequently, bias reduces the chances that the parties are able to reach a peace agreement. A systematic comparison of four cases in Kenya provides support for this argument. I also distinguish between bias related to strategic interest and bias related to relationships, and find that the former is more durable, whereas the latter is more likely to be influenced by political turnover, thereby opening up possibilities for peacemaking.

Why are some ethnic groups embroiled in communal conflicts while others are comparably peaceful? We explore the group-specific correlates of communal conflicts in Africa by utilizing a novel dataset combining ethnographic information on group characteristics with conflict data. Specifically, we investigate whether features of the customary political institutions of ethnic groups matter for their communal-conflict involvement. We show how institutional explanations for conflict, developed to explain state-based wars, can be successfully applied to the customary institutions of ethnic groups. We argue that customary institutions can pacify through facilitating credible nonviolent bargaining. Studying 143 ethnic groups, we provide large-N evidence for such an ‘ethnic civil peace’, showing that groups with a higher number of formalized customary institutions, like houses of chiefs, courts and legislatures, are less prone to communal conflict, both internally and with other groups. We also find some evidence, although slightly weaker, that groups with more inclusive or ‘democratic’ customary institutions are less prone to communal conflicts.

Abstract Does the occurrence of flood disaster increase the risk of communal conflict and if so, does trust in state political institutions mitigate the adverse effect? This study addresses these questions by studying the intervening effect of trust in local governmental institutions at a sub-national level. The effect of flood disasters on the risk of communal violence is expected to be contingent on peoples’ trust that local political structures are able to address potential disputes between groups. Violent conflicts, in that sense, are neither inevitable nor directly determined by the occurrence of disasters. They largely depend on the context of a given society and political response to these external shocks. To test this expectation, the study uses survey data on trust in local state institutions in Sub-Saharan Africa from the Afrobarometer (2005–2018), combined with geo-referenced communal conflict and flood data. In line with theoretical expectations, results suggest that flood disasters are associated with communal violence only for administrative districts that are governed by distrusted local state institutions. Conversely, flood disasters tend to be negatively associated with the risk of communal clashes in the presence of highly trusted local government councils and (especially) trusted judicial courts. Changing model specifications and estimation techniques produces similar results. An out-of-sample cross-validation also shows that accounting for political variables, in addition to flood disasters, improves the predictive performance of the model.

… political relations between different ethnic groups has weakened customary institutions in … largely adhered to and respected by the community. One can identify governance structures in …

The primary purpose of this paper is to propose an alternative land conflict management method for rural Ghana. The paper adopts the country's legislative and judicial decentralization …

… NGO’s and the donor community. As well market price information … at different levels discussed issues of conflict, conflict resolution, … In parts of southern Somali Region, most community …

The professionalization of addressing conflict creates a field filled with specialists highly trained to apply modularized and manualized, often evidence-based solutions. But how effective are these professionalized conflict management strategies in Indigenous and localized cultural contexts compared to homegrown Indigenous approaches? While instances of these Indigenous peacebuilding and conflict management strategies are routine throughout the world, to date, no one has attempted to test which conflict management approaches are most effective empirically, nor has the literature sufficiently addressed the contexts in which strategies are most helpful. Using multi-dimensional scaling and chi-square tests of independence applied to a similarity matrix of co-occurrences from select Outline of Cultural Materials subjects from the Human Relations Area Files cultural database, this study tests the hypothesis: Indigenous conflict management strategies are more effective (i.e., less associated conflict) than non-Indigenous conflict management strategies in Indigenous contexts. We show that Indigenous conflict management approaches co-occur with conflict less often than non-Indigenous strategies. From an applied perspective, when we break conflict into four discreet types—sociocultural/interpersonal, political, legal/judicial, and economic—Indigenous conflict management strategies co-occur most often with socio-cultural types of conflicts. The results suggest that Indigenous approaches are more effective in Indigenous contexts overall, while they are most often applied to socio-cultural and interpersonal conflicts. Based on our findings, homegrown solutions effectively manage, resolve, and transform localized conflicts.

… community influences different types of conflict management … active as conflict managers when the democratic community is … of institutions in the conflict management process, most of …

This paper theorizes that conflict management strategies influenceradical settlementsin institutional fields. Radical settlements are truces to conflict reached between field constituents that significantly change constituents’ relations and their institutional context. We develop theory on the concept of radical settlements by introducing a typology of conflict management strategies that predicts variance in the likelihood of a radical settlement in institutional fields. We ground this typology within a framework of two key antecedents – ideological salience and field polarization – proposed to influence conflict management strategies. Our paper provides new insights to the literature on conflict and institutional change by shedding new light on the counter-intuitive phenomenon of conflict settlement or cessation as a catalyst for change within institutional fields.

This study explores conflict culture as a distinct and influential element of a consumption community’s broader culture, and explores how communities initiate, perform, manage, and resolve intra-community conflicts. A four-year interpretive study of the Premium Cola consumption community reveals two sets of formal and informal elements of conflict culture; explains how community members perform routine, and manage transgressive conflicts; shows how members garner positive and negative practical, identity, and relationship value from these two types of conflict; and documents how a community’s conflict culture develops through inventing new conflict behaviors to resolve transgressive conflicts. The study thus contributes new theoretical insights to the literature on social conflict in online consumption communities, discusses managerial implications, and initiates a discussion about conflict culture.

One result of the intake and settlement of migrants and the presence of indigenous peoples is the formation of culturally plural societies. In these societies, the domain of intercultural relations is ripe for social psychological research. Such research can provide a knowledge basis for the development and implementation of policies and programmes in plural societies. There are three hypotheses bearing on intercultural relations being examined in much current psychological research: the multiculturalism hypothesis; the integration hypothesis; and the contact hypothesis. These hypotheses are derived in part from statements in the Canadian multiculturalism policy. The multiculturalism hypothesis is that when individuals and societies are confident in, and feel secure about their own cultural identities and their place in the larger society, more positive mutual attitudes will result; in contrast, when these identities are threatened, mutual hostility will result. The integration hypothesis is that there will be more successful psychological and social outcomes for individuals and societies when strategies and policies that support double cultural engagement (ie., with both the heritage and national cultures) are pursued. The contact hypothesis is that greater contact between cultural groups will lead to more positive mutual regard, under most contact circumstances. This paper reviews research that is relevant to all three hypotheses, and concludes that research supports the continuation of the Multiculturalism policy and programmes that are intended to improve intercultural relations.

Aim. To reveal the differences and similarities in the implementation of integration and adaptation strategies in institutional settlement of non-territorial interethnic conflicts.Methodology. The author applies comparative analysis and event analysis of France, Italy and Austria cases of institutional settlement of non-territorial interethnic conflicts in which Muslim migrant communities are involved.Results. The author concluded that the national institutions which implement adaptation policy are similar to the integrative ones – both strategies rely not so much on formal as on informal institutions. The main differences are the types of the immigrant movements that are involved in a dialogue with the state and degrees of involvement of immigrant ethnic minorities in the cultural life of the host state.Research implications. The research materials can be used by teachers when preparing special courses on interethnic conflicts resolution.

PurposeThe goal of this paper is associated with the study of global processes which change the world order and are accompanied with the aggravation of economic competition and geopolitical confrontation, which cause large-scale migration, radicalization of ethnicity and the rise of ethnic separatism. These processes contribute to the aggravation of interethnic antagonisms in multicultural countries and regions; therefore, it is necessary to search for adequate models of interethnic relations management in a multicultural society.Design/methodology/approachThe methodological foundation of this research consists in activity, civilization, and transformation approaches, which allow understanding the specificity of global processes, the causes of the actualization of ethnic factor in the modern world and the search for new methods of interethnic relations management.FindingsThis paper presents an overview of models of interethnic relations management established in the western countries in the second half of the 20th century. The authors identify specific features of the assimilation and multiculturalism models for managing ethnic differences, their methods of regulation of interethnic relations in a multicultural environment. Their potential in solving the issues of adaptation of migrants and their integration in political and cultural space of the host society in the face of new global challenges and threats is assessed.Originality/valueThe authors of the paper justify the need for a new model of interethnic relations management which is able to forecast the global development trends and adequately respond to negative consequences of global processes.

In this article, we study the political and legal model currently used by Norway in its Northern counties. This work is a part of comprehensive research supported by the Russian Science Foundation. Our study aims to provide a historical perspective to the model of Nor­way’s national ethnic policy in the Northern counties by identifying the operational capabili­ties and assessing the efficiency of these models amid increasing migration flows and changes in the country’s socio-economic environment. The methods we use in this multidisciplinary study are situated at the interface of national and international law, political science, history, and sociology. They include the comparative historical method (the dynamics of ethno-political processes), the systemic method (ethic policy in the framework of target-based pro­gramme management), the comparative law method (a comparison of national legal systems and international contractual standards), the value and norm-driven method (ethnic policy viewed through the prism of public good), institutional method (the role of political institu­tions), and the secondary analysis of sociological data. We also rely on qualitative methods, namely, the collection, analysis, and interpretation of data on ethnic diasporas living in the North of Norway. As a result, we establish that the Kingdom of Norway has a unified ap­proach to national ethnic policy, which rests on self-confessed multiculturalism. However, different ethnic political models are applied in the case of certain ethnic groups. Today, against the background of declared state multiculturalism and integration, the models of ac­culturation and non-violent assimilation are both operational in Norway. There are sporadic expressions of nationalism and voluntary segregation. We conclude that, despite a unified approach to ethnic policy and despite Norway’s political and legal achievements in the pro­tection of indigenous peoples’ rights, the country’s government carries out a differentiated ‘hybrid’ ethnic policy towards ethnic groups living on its territory. The growing infighting between the right and the left parties in the Storting translates into unpopular and spur-of-the-moment political decisions as regards inter-ethnic relations.

… adapting its forms to meet domestic and, especially, international imperatives.Because relationships … conflicts often intense, a coercive relationship between groups may be regarded as …

Abstract In Macedonia, the greatest influence on the development of democratic processes and on the political and societal stability is exerted by interethnic relations. Managing diversity, building social cohesion, and fostering commonly held values are central tasks for the successful development of the country. Since independence, relations between Macedonians and Albanians have followed a path of continuous political, social, and legal changes. We analyse the main issues and policy reforms in the country from the perspective of political science arguing that the search for and exercise of power was crucial in the relations between the two ethnic groups. At times, tensions have flared over whose values and interests will prevail, followed by the adoption of political solutions to the conflicts, often mediated by the European Union and based on international community standards. Future amendments to interethnic relations should follow the same path.

In the era of globalization, educational policies promoting intercultural interaction are pivotal for fostering understanding and collaboration across diverse cultural contexts. This article explores strategies and practical implementations of intercultural educational policies aimed at addressing challenges and leveraging opportunities in a globalized world. Theoretical foundations of intercultural education are discussed, emphasizing its relevance in preparing individuals to navigate complex multicultural environments. Additionally, the article examines current strategies and practical applications of intercultural educational policies, including curriculum development, teacher training programs, cultural exchange initiatives, and institutional collaborations. It analyzes how these policies integrate cultural diversity into educational practices, promoting inclusivity and equity. Moreover, challenges encountered in implementing intercultural educational policies such as resistance to change, cultural biases, and resource limitations are explored. Effective approaches to overcoming these challenges, including stakeholder engagement, policy adaptation to local contexts, and ongoing evaluation and improvement, are discussed.

This study examines the dynamics of relations between ethnic Chinese and Malays on Rupat Island, Bengkalis Regency, Riau Province, in the post-1998 Reformation context and its position as an Indonesia-Malaysia border region. In contrast to major cities such as Jakarta and Medan, which experienced ethnic violence in 1998, Rupat Island demonstrated social stability and intergroup harmony. This study aims to explain the socio-historical factors that support social resilience, identify the cross-cultural adaptation strategies developed, and interpret identity formation and social integration in this multi-ethnic border region. Using a border anthropology approach and descriptive-analytical qualitative methods, this study collected data through in-depth interviews, participant observation, and a review of historical documents and local archives. The analysis was conducted by combining Abner Cohen's (1969) theory of ethnic instrumentalization, Gudykunst and Kim's (2003) cross-cultural adaptation, and Homi Bhabha's (2012) theory of cultural hybridity. The research findings demonstrate that social resilience on Rupat Island does not arise from the absence of conflict, but from an active process of cultural adaptation, ongoing identity negotiation, and the role of local elites in maintaining social balance. The Chinese community's historical adaptation to coastal Malay values, the inclusive local wisdom of the Malay community, and the geographic character of the border, which is open to socio-economic exchange, are key factors in shaping harmony. These findings enrich the study of ethnic relations in Indonesia by demonstrating that economics and identity can serve as vehicles for social integration in border regions.

Insufficient effectiveness of the administrative model of the national policy in Russian society implies a transition to new paradigmatic grounds for management practices in the field of interethnic relations, including taking into account the possibility of the implementation of foreign experience of value policy. The article reveals the difficulties, possibilities and prospects for the implementation of the experience of politics of values in the US and FRG in Russian conditions. It is concluded that value policy allows you to get rid of the administrative syndrome in Russian society, overcome the limitations of only the legal ʽmechanismsʽ for regulating inter-ethnic relations and move on to the communicative model of national politics.

The article considers the main stages of formation, the main internal and external factors of development of the Ukrainian community of Meskhetian Turks in the current contexts of socio-political realities of today. Based on the analysis of theoretical sources and applied research of problems, factors, nature and directions of ethnocultural adaptation of Meskhetian Turks in Ukraine, there are the tendencies of growth of social mobility and migration activity, democratization of marital and family relations, diversification of employment, significant changes in social, cultural and educational environment, places of compact residence of Ukrainian Meskhetian Turks. The culturological and sociological study of the problems of sociocultural adaptation and the definition of the content elements and the target direction of the system target regional programs of ethnocultural adaptation of the youth of Meskhetian Turks in Ukraine are actualized. It is justified the need to predict sociocultural trends and timely creation of adequate mechanisms and development the forms and methods of coordination of cultural policy in the field of education in the multicultural environment of the south-eastern regions of Ukraine. Анотація В статті розглянуті основні етапи становлення, основні внутрішні і зовнішні чинники розвитку української громади турків-месхетинців в актуальних контекстах соціально-політичних реалій сьогодення. На основі аналізу теоретичних джерел і прикладних досліджень проблем, чинників, характеру і спрямувань етнокультурної адаптації турків-месхетинців в Україні засвідчують тенденції зростання соціальної мобільності і міграційної активності, демократизації шлюбно-сімейних відносин, диверсифікації форм зайнятості, значних видозмін в соціальному, культурному та освітньому середовищах місць компактного проживання українських турків-месхетинців. Актуалізується культурологічне і соціологічне вивчення проблем соціокультурної адаптації та визначення змістових елементів і цільового спрямування системних цільових регіональних програм етнокультурної адаптації молоді турків-месхетинців в Україні. Обґрунтовується потреба прогнозування соціокультурних тенденцій і своєчасного створення адекватних механізмів і розробки форм і методів координації культурної політики в сфері освіти у полікультурному середовищі південносхідних регіонів України. 85 Associate Professor of the Department of Sociology Bohdan Khmelnitsky Melitopol State Pedagogical University, Ukraine. 86 Associate Professor of the Department of Sociology Bohdan Khmelnitsky Melitopol State Pedagogical University, Ukraine. 87 Associate Professor of the Department of Sociology Bohdan Khmelnitsky Melitopol State Pedagogical University, Ukraine. Associate Professor of the Department of Sociology Bohdan Khmelnitsky Melitopol State Pedagogical University, Ukraine. 89 Dr. Sc. in Philosophy, Professor of the Department of Social and Human Sciences, Dmytro Motornyi Tavria State Agrotechnological University, Melitopol, Ukraine. Afanasieva, L., Bukrieieva, I., Glyns'ka, L., Hlebova, N., Oleksenko, R. / Volume 10 Issue 38: 234-244 / February, 2021 Volume 10 Issue 38 / February 2021 235 http:// www.amazoniainvestiga.info ISSN 2322 6307

The research examines the social construction of acculturation and naturalization from the perspectives of both native and immigrant citizens in Singapore. More specifically, what and …

The relevance of the research is determined by the problem of interethnic relations in the multi-ethnic and multi-confessional regions of the Russian Federation. The purpose of the article is to describe the attitude of the local population to wards migrants of different cultures in their settlements in the Republic of Tatarstan in 2017. The leading approach in studying this problem is multi paradigmatic methodology. The article incorporate the attitude of the local population to the presence of migrants in the Republic of Tatarstan in 2014-2017, provides the comparative data on major cities and towns of the Republic, helps grasping the issue. The authors paid special attention to the general level of pupils. The results of the article can be useful for ethnologists, social and cultural anthropologists, political scientists, as well as for the representatives of the bodies responsible for the inter-ethnic interaction.

… a sum score in which a higher score indicated more negative interethnic relations. … and antiMuslim messages and policies of the LPF. In addition, local ethnic relations can be affected by …

… Paralleling this trend is a gradual shift toward a more pluralistic ideology of interethnic relations and toward a greater emphasis on political activism in social research. In this historical …

… ' adaptation, with a special emphasis on interracial/interethnic interactions. The focus of the study was not on the adaptation outcomes (eg, are some immigrants better adapted than the …

… hostilities in so far as foreign banks, corporations and aid missions define development in terms of state-building. Ethnic politics and state-building never were merely domestic …

… to selected cases of ethnic politics in ECE, … nation-building in the operation of liberal democracies should be further studied empirically, it is already clear, I think, that this nationbuilding …

… Here the term "nation" was applied to formerly independent kingdoms which had been submerged in super-national and multi-ethnic political structures. The restoration of such …

The concept of political clientelism is one if the few genuinely crosscultural concepts available to political scientists for the comparative study of transitional systems. As a descriptive concept, political clientelism helps us uncover patterns of relationships which deviate markedly from those ordinarily associated with class or ethnicity. As an analytic concept political clientelism provides crucial insights into the internal dynamics of social and political change. Moreover, if, as some contend, patterns of resource allocation are more meaningful indicators of political development than their conceptual opposites, political clientelism may well supply the critical “missing link” between micro- and macro-sociological or system-centered theories of political development.

… Several decades of a statebuilding process is giving way to a reverse process of state-… ment in several Arab states satisfied the quest of ethnic groups for political participation, but not as …

… The TGE's ethnic policies and federal arrangement are essential first steps in conflict resolution and they are requisites for democratization. But they do not, by themselves, signify the …

This review of new directions in the American and comparative literatures on the state reveals important intellectual trends that parallel each other quite closely. Both comparativists and Americanists address similar questions about the sources of state authority, and both propose similar answers. Collectively, these scholars and others are retheorizing the state—developing a suppler, multidimensional picture of the state's origins, structure, and consequences—to shed light on the reasons for the state's stubborn refusal to cede the stage. The emerging understanding of the state that the authors describe provides a framework not only for revisiting the state in the international realm but also, in dialogue with recent Americanist studies, for revising and deepening the understanding of the state's paradoxical role in American political development and finally setting aside the assumption of the United States as stateless. In this emerging view, American state building, strength, and institutional capacity form through links with society, not necessarily through autonomy from society. But such distinctive patterns provide insights for comparative studies, too, for instance, in respect to the relationship between the state and welfare policy across nations.

… ethnic conflict. After this discussion, I explain briefly how my argument permits more effective state-building policies to … to form states, they should be created with great sensitivity to the …

… The study of race in American politics has largely … political experiences of these groups, focusing particularly on the roles of immigration and group identity. We also examine the state of …