澜湄区域的人口贩运研究

The research examined the relationship between border regulations, human trafficking, and human security in the Mekong subregion. The research applied a qualitative case study methodology to analyze border management policies from 1993 to 2023, employing the first and second-generation human security concepts as a theoretical framework. By focusing on specific regulations and agreements within the Mekong Subregion, the research assessed their ability to address transnational threats such as human trafficking. The findings reveal that while political and economic dimensions dominate, critical aspects of human security—such as personal, environmental, and community security—are often overlooked. Only 23% of border regulations explicitly address human trafficking, reflecting the persistence of state-centric, first-generation approaches that prioritize sovereignty and economic interests over people-centered solutions. The second-generation human security framework highlights the need for a multidimensional, collaborative approach to border management. However, the research analysis shows that existing policies fail to fully integrate human security dimensions, leaving significant gaps in addressing systemic vulnerabilities. This research contributes theoretically by bridging human security concepts with international relations studies, offering a more comprehensive understanding of border management's role in combating human trafficking. Empirically, it critically evaluates policy gaps and their implications for regional governance. By integrating human security principles, border management frameworks in the Mekong Subregion can better address the root causes of human trafficking, providing both theoretical advancements and practical insights for policy development.

The phenomenon of intra-regional migration has occurred since 1980 in Southeast Asia and continues to increase. One of them is in the sub-region known as the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS). GMS countries including China (Yunan Province and Guangxi Autonomous Region), Lao People's Democratic Republic (Lao PDR), Cambodia, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam, have different economic conditions. Thailand is a country with the strongest economy, thus attracting migrants to work in Thailand, especially migrants from Cambodia, Lao PDR, and Myanmar. This mobility has opened up opportunities for human trafficking, so the six countries agreed to a memorandum of understanding which continued with the formation of the Coordinated Mekong Ministerial Initiative Against Trafficking (COMMIT) and issued the Subregional Plan of Action (SPA). This study aims to determine the implementation of SPA IV carried out by Thailand in the period 2018 - 2022 along with its obstacles. As a result, in implementing the Subregional Plan of Action IV COMMIT, Thailand has focused more on measures to prevent human trafficking, protect victims, and prosecute perpetrators. However, implementation has also encountered obstacles due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

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BACKGROUND Human trafficking and labor exploitation are prevalent in Southeast Asia and have substantial health consequences for children and adolescents. Research on pre-departure circumstances and trafficking experiences show that gender plays a key role in shaping the experience of exploited children and adolescents. OBJECTIVE This study estimates how youth's concerns and hopes for the future influence the mental health outcomes of male and female children and adolescents. PARTICIPANTS AND SETTING Data were collected in face-to-face interviews with 517 children and adolescents (10-19 years old) who attended post-trafficking services between year 2010 and year 2013 in Cambodia, Thailand or Vietnam. METHODS Multivariable logistic regression models were fitted to estimate the association of children and adolescents' post-trafficking concerns and hopes for the future with mental health outcomes, namely symptoms of depression, anxiety and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). The analysis was stratified by sex. RESULTS In adjusted analysis, children and adolescents' concerns about social ostracization and maltreatment by others in their community of origin were associated with all three outcomes in males and with depression in females. Being concerned about their own mental health was associated with all outcomes, with a potentially stronger effect observed in males for depression (AOR 9.14, CI:1.21-68.68), anxiety (AOR 13.47, CI:1.70-106.48) and PTSD (AOR 8.36, CI:1.22-56.9) than in females where the odds for depression (AOR 3.24, CI:1.92-5.48), anxiety (AOR 3.05, CI:1.82-5.11) and PTSD (AOR 1.85, CI:1.08-3.14) were much lower. CONCLUSIONS Young people's post-trafficking care needs and reintegration planning should be designed based on their current mental health, personal security, family and financial resources and age-related capacity.

Human trafficking is a pervasive global crime with important public health implications that entail fundamental human rights violations in the form of severe exploitation, violence and coercion. Sex-specific associations between types of violence or coercion and mental illness in survivors of trafficking have not been established. We conducted a cross-sectional study with 1015 female and male survivors of trafficking (adults, adolescents and children) who received post-trafficking assistance services in Cambodia, Thailand or Vietnam and had been exploited in various labor sectors. We assessed anxiety and depression with the Hopkins Symptoms Checklist (HSCL-25) and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms with the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (HTQ), and used validated questions from the World Health Organization International Study on Women’s Health and Domestic Violence to measure physical and sexual violence. Sex-specific modified Poisson regression models were estimated to obtain prevalence ratios (PRs) and their 95% confidence intervals (CI) for the association between violence (sexual, physical or both), coercion, and mental health conditions (anxiety, depression and PTSD). Adjusted models indicated that for females, experiencing both physical and sexual violence, compared to not being exposed to violence, was a strong predictor of symptoms of anxiety (PR = 2.08; 95% CI: 1.64–2.64), PTSD (PR = 1.55; 95% CI: 1.37–1.74), and depression (PR = 1.57; 95% CI: 1.33–1.85). Among males, experiencing physical violence with additional threats made with weapons, compared to not being exposed to violence, was associated with PTSD (PR = 1.59; 95% CI: 1.05–2.42) after adjustment. Coercion during the trafficking experience was strongly associated with anxiety, depression, and PTSD in both females and males. For females in particular, exposure to both personal and family threats was associated with a 96% elevated prevalence of PTSD (PR = 1.96; 95% CI: 1.32–2.91) and more than doubling of the prevalence of anxiety (PR = 2.11; 95% CI: 1.57–2.83). The experiences of violence and coercion in female and male trafficking survivors differed and were associated with an elevated prevalence of anxiety, depression, and PTSD in both females and males. Mental health services must be an integral part of service provision, recovery and re-integration for trafficked females and males.

Background Men comprise nearly two-thirds of trafficked and forced labourers in common low-skilled labour sectors including fishing, agriculture and factory work. Yet, most evidence on human trafficking has focused on women and girls trafficked for sex work, with scant research on trafficked men and boys. Methods We analyse survey data from the largest systematic consecutive sample of trafficked people collected to date to describe the prevalence of violence, occupational health risks and injuries and associated factors. Participants were labour-trafficked men and boys using post-trafficking support services in Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam. Findings Data are presented on 446 males aged 10–58. Men and boys were mainly trafficked for fishing (61.7%), manufacturing (19.1%) and begging (5.2%). Fishermen worked extensive hours (mean 18.8 hours/day, SD 5.9) and factory workers worked on average 11.9 hours/day (SD 2.9). 35.5% of male survivors had been injured while trafficked; 29.4% received no personal protective equipment (e.g. gloves). The most commonly reported injuries among all males were deep cuts (61.8%) and skin injuries (36.7%), injuries for which fewer than one-quarter reported receiving medical care. Six fishermen lost body parts, none of whom received medical care. Most males (80.5%) had no or very few rest breaks. One-third (37.8%) experienced severe violence. Work-related injuries were associated with severe violence (AOR 3.44, CI:1.63–7.26), being in the fishing sector, (AOR 4.12, CI:2.39–7.09) and threats (AOR 2.77, CI:1.62–4.75). Experiencing any violence was associated with threats (AOR 26.86, CI:14.0–51.23), being in the fishing sector (AOR 18.53, CI:8.74–39.28) and fluency in language of destination country (AOR 0.39, CI:0.20–0.75). Conclusion This study highlights the abuse and extreme occupational hazards suffered by trafficked men and boys. Occupational health and safety interventions are urgently needed to protect male migrant labourers working in high-risk sectors, particularly fishing.

ABSTRACT Cambodia, a low-income country in the Mekong Delta region, potentially faces devastating impacts of climate change and associated natural and manmade disasters. Although anti-trafficking efforts in Cambodia have improved substantially, Cambodia remains a country of source, transit, and destination of trafficking in persons (TIP). Utilizing our preliminary research on young women in rural Cambodia as a case study, we discuss available, though fragmented, suggestive evidence to link climate change/disaster crisis and forced migration to TIP increases. Based on our and others’ conceptual models, we further suggest that evidence-based anti-TIP mitigation measures in climate-impacted areas need to be culturally and migration-stage-specific to be successful.

Southeast Asia, a region at the forefront of the climate crisis, is experiencing a surge in climate-induced displacement, with projections indicating that 3.3 to 6.3 million internal displacements may occur in the lower Mekong sub-region by 2050. Climate migration in the Global South is not merely a matter of environmental survival but also a significant human rights concern—particularly for women. Female climate migrants are especially vulnerable to gender-based violence, trafficking, and restricted access to essential services such as sanitation, reproductive healthcare, and psychosocial support. Despite growing awareness, the intersectional vulnerabilities of these women remain insufficiently addressed in both academic literature and legal policy. While previous research has explored climate migration and women’s rights separately, few studies have engaged with their intersection—particularly within Global South contexts. This study seeks to bridge that gap by examining the identity, legal recognition, and lived experiences of female climate migrants, with Vietnam serving as a representative case study. The research employs a comparative legal analysis of international and Vietnamese legal frameworks, evaluating how existing laws conceptualise and safeguard female climate migrants. Methodologically, it draws on interdisciplinary literature and human rights-based approaches to interrogate both normative and practical gaps in protection. The findings reveal that prevailing legal regimes tend to classify women either as victims of climate disasters or as migrants, without adequately accounting for the convergence of these identities. This oversight contributes to fragmented protections and critical policy blind spots. In response, the study proposes a holistic framework that incorporates gender-responsive and climate-specific considerations into migration law and policy. By foregrounding the voices and rights of female climate migrants in the Global South, this research contributes to the advancement of human rights scholarship and advocates for inclusive, intersectional, and contextually grounded legal reforms. It highlights the urgent need for policies that not only address environmental displacement but also uphold the dignity and rights of the most affected.  

Abstract   Using the theory of the role of international organizations, this research explains how the role of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) Thailand handles cases of Trafficking in Person (TIP) on the Thailand-Myanmar border in 2022. First, the role of the instrument, IOM Thailand helps the Thai government through the The Promise II program which helps Prospective migrant workers from Myanmar receive appropriate qualifications. Second, the role of the arena, IOM Thailand supports international forums discussing human trafficking crimes through the Bali Process forum, Coordinated Mekong Ministerial Initiative Against Trafficking (Commit Process). Third, the role of independent actors, IOM Thailand implements the 4P strategy to handle the crime of human trafficking. The results of this research show that IOM Thailand has fulfilled the criteria for its role as an international organization in handling human trafficking cases. Keywords: IOM Thailand; Trafficking in Persons (TIP); Thailand-Myanmar; The Promise II.   Abstrak Menggunakan teori peran organisasi internasional, penelitian ini menjelaskan bagaimana peran International Organization for Migration (IOM) Thailand menangani kasus Tindak Pidana Perdagangan Orang (TPPO) di perbatasan Thailand-Myanmar tahun 2022. Pertama, peran instrument, IOM Thailand membantu pemerintah Thailand melalui program The Promise II yang membantu para calon pekerja migran asal Myanmar mendapat kualifikasi layak . Kedua, peran arena, IOM Thailand mendukung forum internasional membahas kejahatan perdagangan manusia melalui forum Bali Procces, Coordinated Mekong Ministerial Initiative Againts Trafficking (Commit Process),. Ketiga, peran independent actor, IOM Thailand menerapkan strategi 4P menangani Tindak Pidana Perdagangan Orang. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan IOM Thailand sudah memenuhi kriteria peran sebagai organisasi internasional dalam menangani kasus Tindak Pidana Perdagangan Orang. Kata Kunci: IOM Thailand; Tindak Pidana Perdagangan Orang (TPPO); Thailand-Myanmar; The Promise II.  

This research discusses the role of ASEANAPOL in assisting Indonesia in tackling human trafficking issue by using cases that took place throughout 2021-2023 through series of its agendas and activities. This research uses Clive Archer's role theory which states that international organizations have roles in arenas, instruments, and actors. The method used in conducting this research is descriptive qualitative method with the data obtained from literature review, official documents analysis, interviews with the relevant actors, and secondary sources that relevant to the research topic. The findings of this research reveal that ASEANAPOL has a significant role in assisting Indonesia in tackling human trafficking issue by utilizing its instrument, arena of expertise, and relevant stakeholders to facilitate meetings and exchange information. The maximization of functions can be conducted if the decision-makers of each member state could create a strong legal framework in order to enable some flexibility for ASEANAPOL to deal with human trafficking cases that arise. This research concludes that it is fundamental to acknowledge ASEANAPOL’s role in human trafficking eradication in Indonesia. Therefore, this research recommends the Indonesian government, ASEAN member states, and ASENAPOL to further develop a system with a firm commitment and legal framework to ensure human trafficking eradication is well-executed.

This study contrasts the policies of the Indonesian and Thai governments in handling human trafficking cases (2021-2023). Human trafficking is the crime of commercially trading human beings either through sexual exploitation or forced labour. As ASEAN countries, Indonesia and Thailand contribute to the number of these crimes. Throughout 2021-2023, the human trafficking tier-placement in both countries showed fluctuating conditions but also continued to increase. The role of the government is needed in efforts to handle this case, although its implementation also involves massive collaboration from various components. A descriptive qualitative methodology centred on library research analysis was selected as the primary way for acrticulating the findings of this study. By comparing secondary data consisting of various literatures and applying the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) theory, the findings in this study show that the policies of the Indonesian and Thai governments in handling human trafficking cases have not been fully maximized. Nevertheless, the presence of interest groups is very influential in supporting the process of monitoring, formulating, and evaluating more optimal government policies.

In recent years, human traffickers have increasingly relied on social media to target and recruit victims. However, limited research has been conducted on the recruitment methods used for human trafficking on social media, particularly in developing countries. Through in-person and digital observations, interviews, and case analysis, our paper sheds light on the tactics used by traffickers on social media to lure people into trafficking and highlights the characteristics of suspicious job advertisements used for human trafficking recruitment. Our paper also discusses the investigative techniques employed by anti-trafficking experts to address recruitment and the challenges they face when identifying and investigating fraudulent jobs. Based on these findings, we provide recommendations on how technology can help tackle the problem of recruiting people online, and suggest design implications to improve the safety of social media platforms. Furthermore, we discuss the challenges and ethical considerations in developing anti-trafficking software and provide suggestions for addressing these challenges.

Human trafficking is a serious transnational crime that exploits vulnerable individuals through covert networks, generating approximately $150 billion in illicit profits annually. In 2022, an estimated 50 million people were victims of trafficking worldwide. Malaysia, as both a source and destination country, remains a focal point for traffickers due to various socio-economic and structural factors. The urgency to combat trafficking as a national security issue heightened in 2007 when Malaysia was downgraded to Tier 3 in the U.S. Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report. Since then, the Malaysian government has intensified its anti-trafficking efforts, influenced by international scrutiny. This article examines the securitisation of human trafficking in Malaysia, focusing on legislative measures, enforcement strategies, and multi-stakeholder collaborations. A qualitative methodology is employed, utilising document analysis of national policies and international reports, scholarly literature, and media sources. Findings reveal that while securitisation has improved enforcement outcomes, it remains uneven in addressing structural vulnerabilities and victim protection.

The crime of trafficking in persons (TPPO) with recruitment through social media is now a major problem in Indonesia, which exploits migrant workers in various online fraud operations. The Trafficking in Persons 2025 report recorded the handling of 3,354 cases related to online fraud in 2024, but only 314 individuals were officially recognized as victims. This upward trend is expected to continue in 2025–2026 with the mass repatriation of thousands of Indonesian citizens from Myanmar and Cambodia. This normative juridical research explores the inadequacy of legal protection contained in Law no. 21/2007, Law no. 18/2017, Law no. 31/2014, and the ITE Law. It was found that although the national legal system is quite complete, its implementation is hampered by low levels of digital literacy, weak responsibility of digital platforms, disharmonious coordination between sectors, and challenges in transnational electronic evidence. The low level of fulfillment of the right to restitution increasingly shows the state's failure to provide restorative justice. This research recommends the existence of special regulations regarding TPPO that focus on digital aspects and strengthening mechanisms.

. This research investigates the involvement of the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting on Transnational Crime (AMMTC) in efforts to tackle human trafficking in the ASEAN region, with a focus on the role and concrete steps that have been taken in supporting the fight against human trafficking in Indonesia. Using a qualitative approach with literature study methods, data was collected from various literature sources including official ASEAN documents, research reports and academic articles. The research results show that human trafficking is one of the most serious transnational crime issues in the ASEAN region, with the main victims including vulnerable women and children. AMMTC plays a role in developing policies and legal frameworks to address human trafficking, as well as facilitating operational cooperation between law enforcement agencies of ASEAN member countries. Concrete steps taken by AMMTC include issuing the ASEAN Action Plan to Combat Transnational Crime, adopting implementation guidelines, and formulating ACTIP (ASEAN Convention Against Human Trafficking in Persons). Through these steps, ASEAN is demonstrating a strong commitment to confronting the issue of human trafficking and working with member countries to address the threat. This research contributes to a deeper understanding of the role of AMMTC in combating human trafficking in the ASEAN region and its relevance to efforts to combat human trafficking in Indonesia.

In order to understand the essence of the crime, two issues have to be taken into account: not only do we analyse features of the perpetrator, but also the victim’s behaviour. Both measures have to be recognised in the light of their mutual relations. In such a case, victimology is instrumental for criminology. It answers the fundamental question: who and why becomes a victim of a crime? It is victimology that draws our attention to a post-crime victimisation problem in the psychological, social and legal aspects. These issues are particularly vital in the case of human trafficking. First, the victim of the crime has to be defined. Over the centuries, the word ‘victim’ came to have an additional meaning. Nowadays, the legal definition of a victim in many countries typically includes the following: it is a person who suffered direct or threatened physical, emotional or pecuniary harm as a result of the commission of a crime. In the Polish legal system, a legal definition of a victim is given in the Polish Charter of Victims’ Rights, whereas the Polish penal law speaks of an aggrieved party and defines it in Article 49 of the Criminal Procedure Code. However, one fact draws our attention. The aggrieved or those objectively recognised as aggrieved do not agree with such a qualification. Let us take a closer look at the reasons why they see themselves in a different role. There is no doubt that one of the reasons is the fact that victims are often qualified as persons offending the law, as criminals. Another problem, is the victims’ return to their previous life situation, which had led them to being recruited by a human trafficker. We also need to point out that the relations between human traffickers and their victims are extremely complex. However, the key issue is that there is an agreement for a crime. The decision-making processes have to be analysed. The victims of human trafficking find themselves in a situation where they have a considerable limitation of free decision making. One of the major examples reflecting these problems that always takes place in a compulsory situation in the wide sense of this expression is job undertaking which leads to the abuse of the potential worker’s situation. A very specific example is a job agency. The question that appears is when we should speak of an unlawfully acting job agent, and when we can start calling this human trafficking? Is every illegal job agency dealing with human trafficking? What is the difference between these two? And finally when does a worker become a victim and an aggrieved party? What types of slavery and slaves exist today? bounded labour affects at least 20 milion people around the world. People become bounded labourers by taking or being tricked into taking a loan for as little as the cost of medicines for a sick child. To repay the debt, many are forced to work overtime, seven days a week, up to 365 days a year. They receive basic food and shelter as ‘payment’ for their work, but may never pay off the loan, which can be passed down for another generation; eaily and forced marriage affects women and girls who are married without choice and are forced into lives of servitude often accompanied by physical violence; forced labour affects people who are illegally recruited by individuals, governments or political parties and forced to work usually under threat of violence or other penalties; slavery by descent is where people are either born into a slave class or are from a group that the society views as suited to be used as slave labour; trafficking involves the transport and/or trade of people: ‘woman, children and men’, from one area to another for the purpose of forcing them into slavery conditions; worst forms of child labour affects an estimated 179 million children around the world in work that is harmful to their health and welfare. Children work on the land, in households as domestic workers, in factories making products such as matches, fireworks and glassware, on the streets as beggars, in the outdoor industry, brick kilns, mines, construction sector, in bars, restaurants and tourist establishments, in sexual exploitation, as soldiers. It seems that pursuant to the Employment and Unemployment Countering Act (Ustawa o zatrudnieniu i przeciwdziałaniu bezrobociu) a model contrary to the one in the act can create a criminological model of modern human trafficking. It would be then running a business to gain financial benefits in the way that the businessperson exploits the position of the aggrieved party and provides the future employer with employees. The latter group, however, even if agreeing to move abroad, becomes completely dependant on the employer which is often combined with a deprivation of liberty, because they have no possibility to choose their place of staying or withdraw from the previous agreement. A number of international regulations, e.g. the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children which supplements the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime of 2000, the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography of 2000, the Slavery Convention of 1926 together with a Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery dated l956 show, that the issue under discussion still remains a contemporary problem, and needs regulations aiming at finding relevant solutions. There can be no doubts in the light of the nullum crimen sine lege certa that a precise description of the crime is essential. Only a precise definition of a separate crime of human trafficking will enable to recognise the scope of the problem and will create internationally accepted circumstances to overcome it. Such a definition must include at least: acts: recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of a person; means: threat to use or the use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, fraud, deception, abuse of power or a position of vulnerability; purposes: forced labour or services, slavery slavery-like practices or servitude. Everyone, government and non-governmental organisations, must focus on the crime which must be precisely described including a detailed description of a victim. It is highly urgent and important to harmonise all legislative measures in order to prevent human trafficking, which would guarantee an effective protection of victims and prosecution of criminals.