抗日战争中日关系

1944年7月，在臺日軍因應美軍可能進行的登陸作戰進行準備，頒布了「臺灣島築城計畫大要」，並制定「臺灣軍作戰計畫」，使臺灣本島開始設置大量的野戰與永久陣地，然而前述軍事遺構因營造當時的主責單位、物料供給和地域環境之不同，而產生具有地方特殊性的建築樣態，使得臺灣日遺軍事設施被發掘後的相關研究，除了航照圖、在臺日軍紀錄外，仍需比對其他戰場的日軍史料，以及美軍和國軍戰後接收時的相關史料，方能確認該設施的營造工法、使用方式、營造時間等資訊。臺南飛行場外圍尚存數個陣地設施群，包含機槍∕火砲掩體、彈藥庫、監視所、待機掩蔽部和防空塔；仁德飛行場則有數個彈藥庫群和格納設施尚存。將前述史料與現存設施進行比對，能更精確地看出在臺日軍的陣地部署、周邊設施的設置與軍事構工設計內涵。In July 1944, the Japanese military in Taiwan began preparing for a potential U.S. landing operation by issuing the Outline of the Taiwan Island Fortification Plan and formulating the Taiwan Army Operational Plan. These directives led to the widespread construction of both field and permanent fortifications across the island. However, due to differences in the responsible construction units, material supplies, and local environmental conditions, the architectural characteristics of these military structures exhibited distinct regional variations. As a result, the interpretation of Japanese wartime military facilities in Taiwan requires more than the limited records available from the Japanese forces stationed on the island. Cross-referencing with historical records from other Japanese military regions, as well as archival materials from the U.S. and Nationalist Chinese forces, is essential to accurately determine the affiliation, construction methods, functions, and timeframes of these facilities. Based on field investigations, several defensive structures remain on the periphery of Tainan Airfield, including pillboxes, artillery casemates, ammunition magazines, observation posts, ready shelters, and Martello towers. At Kmaka （today’s Rende）, Airfield, remnants of multiple bomb storage facilities and warehouse structures have been identified. By systematically comparing these existing structures with historical military records, this study provides a more precise understanding of the Japanese military’s defensive deployments in Taiwan, the specific arrangements of airfield-related facilities, and the underlying principles of their military construction.

龍瑛宗（1911-1999）為新竹地區戰前知名的客籍日語作家，戰後初期因政權更迭、跨語等因素，輟筆未能繼續創作。但他並未放棄對文學的興趣，仍積極與省籍藝文人士維繫良好的社交網絡。為了重拾創作，龍瑛宗韜光養晦努力學習中文，期待能夠重返戰後臺灣文壇。他因地緣、客籍身分的關係與新竹地區藝文人士吳濁流（新竹縣）、鄭世璠（新竹市）往來密切，本論文將利用相關文獻史料、照片、書信、作品等，重新拼貼他們實際的往來情況，釐清他們如何因職場和媒體報刊雜誌的關係，跨時代、跨國境維繫翰墨之緣和以畫會友，建構這個社會群體的文化記憶，希望藉此勾勒出戰前世代的藝文活動型態與人際網絡。  LUNG YING-TSUNG (1911-1999) was a well-known Hakka-Japanese writer in Hsinchu before the Second World War. However, in the early postwar period, he ceased writing due to various factors such as the change of government and official language, which hindered his ability to continue his work. Nevertheless, he maintained his interest in literature and maintained strong social connections with Taiwanese artists and writers. LUNG YING-TSUNG kept a low profile, studying Chinese in anticipation of resuming his creative work and rejoining the Taiwanese literary scene after the war. LUNG YING-TSUNG had close tie with literary figures in the Hsinchu area, such as (WU CHO-LIU [Hsinchu County] and CHENG SHIH-FAN [Hsinchu City]), due to his local connections and Hakka background. This paper aims to reconstruct their shared history using relevant documents, historical materials, photographs, letters and work to seek to clarify how they maintained their friendships through calligraphy and painting across generations and borders, particularly in relation to their workplace and media magazines. The gold is to construct a collective cultural memory of this society and shed light on the artistic and cultural activities as well as interpersonal networks of the Japanese-speaking generation before the war.  

日本侵華戰爭給中國佛教帶來慘重的破壞。許多僧尼或喪命，或為了溫飽苦苦掙紮。上海租界的經懺佛事卻有過一段畸形繁榮。激增的人口、繁榮的經濟以及人們的精神需求促成了淪陷時期上海儀式經濟的興旺。抗日戰爭全面爆發後，大量人口湧入上海租界。戰爭帶來的生離死別加深了人們對生命無常的體會，越發去宗教中尋求安慰。戰時上海的宗教氛圍不僅沒有淡化，反而更加熱烈。佛教與江南文化的高度融合，使經懺佛事成為許多民眾薦亡祈福的首選。租界相對安穩的環境，讓這裡的各項佛事活動能夠照常進行。受戰爭影響，經濟上難以維繫的寺廟紛紛到上海租房，開辦下院，借助下院的佛事收入彌補遠方祖庭的困窘。寺廟和僧尼數量的增加也加劇了經懺市場的競爭，大小寺廟為了贏得更多的佛事訂購各想奇招。佛事背後巨大的經濟利益吸引了諸多投機逐利者的目光，迷信捐再次提上日程。The Japanese invasion of China inflicted devastating damage on Chinese Buddhism. Many monks and nuns either lost their lives or struggled desperately for basic food and clothing. However, the Buddhist ritual economy in the Shanghai concession experienced a period of unusual prosperity. Following the full-scale outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japan, a large number of people poured into the Shanghai foreign settlements. The religious atmosphere in the concessions during the war did not diminish, but became even more intense. The deep integration of Buddhism with Jiangnan culture made Buddhist rituals the preferred means for many to pray for the deceased and to seek blessings. The relatively stable environment of the concessions allowed Buddhist activities to continue as usual. Affected by the war and facing economic difficulties, many temples rented properties in Shanghai to establish branch monasteries to make up for the hardship of their distant ancestral temples with the help of Shanghai’s ritual service income. The growing number of temples and monastics intensified competition in the ritual market, prompting temples large and small to come up with creative strategies to attract more ritual commissions. The enormous economic benefits behind the ritual market have attracted the attention of many speculators and profiteers, bringing the superstition tax back into public discussion.

This study applies Kristeva's intertextual theory to compare two monumental works written by great Indonesian politicians: Mao Zedong's “Strategic Problems in The Anti-Japanese Guerrilla War” and A H. Nasution's “Fundamentals of Guerrilla Warfare”. Based on Kristiva's theory, this study explores how the book “Strategic Problems in The Anti-Japanese Guerrilla War” influenced A H. Nasution's by analyzing the cultural, geographical, and political differences between China and Indonesia. A H. Nasution wrote “Fundamentals of Guerrilla Warfare” and how General Soedirman led the masses in the guerrilla war against the Netherlands in 1948 under the influence of the book. These two books have had a great influence in the world military field so far, such as “Fundamentals of Guerrilla Warfare” which is still a must read in American military studies. Through the study of these two great works, not only can we understand Mao Zedong and A H. Nasution's profound thoughts have broadened his horizons, and he can also understand the spirit of empathy and the pain of being colonized at that time, as well as how they developed mature political systems and military theories under various controls and conditions of colonialis.

在日朝鮮人1世が世代を重ねるにつれ、減少していく中で、日本への移住、定着に関する記録の発掘はさらに重要な意味を持つようになった。特に大阪は在日朝鮮人1世が多く移住、定着しており、現在までも在日朝鮮人の滞在者数は最も多い。塚崎は大阪を中心に、戦前の大阪への移住、定着から現在までの在日朝鮮人の痕跡を記録した。本稿は、塚崎の在阪朝鮮人１世の居住、宗教生活、大阪空襲と強制連行の研究を通じて、大阪における在日朝鮮人の研究の意義を考察した。塚崎は大阪在日朝鮮人の住宅問題に対して、行政当局と在日朝鮮人の対応変化に注目している。1930年代初めには住宅問題が発生することを防止するために朝鮮人と日本人が協力しながら住宅問題を緩和しようとする動きがあった。しかし1934年以後、戦争準備のために警察権力が前面に出ることになり在日朝鮮人の住宅が強制撤去の対象になったことを説明している。宗教生活については在日朝鮮人1世の女性の宗教生活の場として朝鮮寺と竜王宮を検討した。在日朝鮮人1世の女性たちの宗教生活については日本と韓国の両国で研究成果は多くない。塚崎は朝鮮寺と竜王宮の研究を通じて民族差別と女性差別という二重の差別に直面した在日朝鮮人女性たちの宗教の役割を分析した。特に朝鮮人の巫俗信仰が朝鮮寺で行われたが、弾圧を受けながらも現在まで根強く生き延びた実態を明らかにしている。在日朝鮮人の大阪空襲と強制連行については、史料発掘と空襲記録、空襲体験者の口述などを通じて大阪在日朝鮮人の被害状況を記録し追悼した。塚崎は大阪地域の特性が持つ1次的資料の限界を克服するために資料発掘と共に現場調査、口述調査などを通じて補完した。このような研究方法で塚崎の研究は、大阪で在日朝鮮人が暮らし証拠であるとともに記録の復元であり、在日朝鮮人生活史研究の空白を埋める貴重な資料として位置づけられるだろう。

At the time of the Sino-Japanese War, there were various political forces in mainland China, But they can be divided into three main groups: the Kuomintang Government of Chiang Kai-shek, the Nanjing Government, and the Manchukuo. In order to inspire the Japanese people to fight for the war and to carry out propaganda for war co-operation, the Shashinsyuhou used each political force in China differently to conduct the war. First, it completely ignored the other side of the Sino-Japanese War, the Kuomintang government, and did not publish any articles about Chiang Kai-shek himself, but emphasised his responsibility for starting the anti-Japanese war. It also reported only the victories of the Japanese army in the Sino-Japanese War and showed Chinese people living peacefully in Japanese occupied territories. Second, it emphasised the friendly relationship between Wang Jingwei's Nanjing government, which represented ‘official China’, and Japan, and reported in detail on the Nanjing government's cooperation in the conduct of the war. Thus, there were many articles about Wang Jingwei and the Nanjing government related to politics and diplomacy. Thirdly, the Manchukuo section of the Shashinsyuhou focused on the migration and settlement of Japanese people and the development of agriculture, resources, and heavy industry, which were necessary for Japan to wage war. It also emphasised the military aspect of Manchukuo, which bordered the Soviet Union. As such, the Sino-Japanese War period's Shashinsyuhou utilised the different regimes in mainland China from different angles to inspire the Japanese people to fight.

Focusing on Jingju Temple (淨居寺) in Jinan, Shandong Province, from 1920 to 1948, this paper examines the complex interactions among Chinese Buddhism, Japanese Buddhism, and governmental authorities. As one of the key religious sites in Jinan during the Republican era, Jingju Temple traces its origins back to the Song dynasty. Although it was repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt, the temple was restored in the 1920s by Pan Shoulian 潘守廉 (1845–1939) of Jining, becoming a “public monastery” (shifangcongli 十方叢林). Beginning in the 1930s, the Japanese government and its puppet regimes integrated Japanese rituals into Chinese Buddhism and established the Buddhist Tongyuan Association (Fojiao tongyuanhui 佛教同願會). By examining inscriptions, gazetteers, newspapers, and other historical records—focusing on negotiations between Jingju Temple, the association, and the Japanese Buddhist community—this study sheds light on the distinctive and multifaceted religious–political dynamics that arose as the temple was situated amid conflicting forces: the Japanese government, the puppet regimes, and the Republic of China. These findings provide a new perspective for understanding Buddhist interactions across East Asia and open avenues for further inquiry into this complex historical period.

The Second Sino-Japanese War is one of the most painful chapters in history for both – the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Japan. The memory of this war still sparks serious disputes between the two countries and leads to severe conflicts in their bilateral relations. Considering the significant role of mass media in shaping historical memory, it is intriguing to observe how traumatic historical events are portrayed in the media of the countries involved. The purpose of this study is to identify the main discrepancies and features of memory representation related to the Second Sino-Japanese War in the mass media of China and Japan. After comparing the political and social roles of mass media in the two countries and analyzing media publications related to major war anniversaries the author concludes that the memory of the Second Sino-Japanese War is intertwined with a wide range of contemporary political issues, sometimes exacerbating those unrelated to the war. Under current circumstances, the representation of war’s memory in the media is a key factor contributing to mutual negative attitudes, and it is difficult to envision an improvement in the situation unless each of the countries takes its own steps towards reconciliation.

During the Japan Taisho era to the Second Sino-Japanese War, the thoughts of the Japanese scholars experienced large disagreements and enormous alterations. The public, including soldiers, chose Fascism, which is an extreme ideology from all existing thoughts. In the literature review, the current studies either only mentioned the differences and adjustments of the thoughts of the Japanese scholars, or merely discussed the manifestations of militarism and Fascism in Japan. There is a lack of research on the public’s choices of the ideology. This research analyzes the reasons of the choice of the Japanese public based on the legacy of militarism in Meiji era, Showa financial crisis, the development of education level, and the violent changes that the path brought to the relations between East Asian countries. The history of Japan becoming extreme provides a negative example for today’s countries, global leaders should formulate reasonable educational syllabus and impartially avoid ideological education and cult of personality.

The Second Sino-Japanese War is an important part of World War II and also a key factor in the formation of the international political situation in the contemporary world. This article focuses on the development and change of Sino-American relations during this period and concretely elaborates on three aspects: the joint fight against the Japanese fascist forces, the struggle between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party in China, and the Soviet Union's intervention in Chinese affairs. In order to summarize the influence of the development and change of Sino-American relations on the Nanjing National Government and the resulting influence on East Asia and the post-war Cold War pattern.

Significant disparities exist in the narratives of the Sino-Japanese War (1931-1945) as presented in Chinese and Japanese history textbooks. Both countries, influenced by their unique political, economic, and cultural stances, have made diverse revisions to their history textbooks at different times. This paper compares narrative changes in the history textbooks of both countries, contending that textbook revisions aim to shape adolescents' ideological consciousness and historical perspectives, influencing their political socialization tendencies and behaviors. As Japan refashions its historical textbooks, it impedes the young generation's ability to glean insights from history, potentially cultivating a cohort characterized by unwarranted arrogance yet lacking a sense of responsibility. The ongoing discourse surrounding historical textbooks consistently rekindles poignant memories among the Chinese populace, instilling fears of Japan repeating the errors of militarism and consequently, fortifying the younger generation's recollection of a humiliating past. China and Japan, not only wielding significant influence on regional security in East Asia but also playing pivotal roles in global peace and stability, should embrace equitable and amicable exchanges. Such exchanges can foster increased mutual trust and reciprocal benefits, representing the appropriate path for China and Japan, nations separated by a narrow body of water with a longstanding history of friendship.

The 1933 Tanggu Armistice Agreement reduced military conflict between China and Japan. However, Japan resumed its invasion of China in 1935 with the separation of Hebei. As a result, tension between China and Japan reached its peak again. Accordingly, Japan tried to prepare for a war with China by strengthening security and arms against Manchuria. In particular, China-China relations deteriorated rapidly toward the end of 1936. And in June 1937, just before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, Japanese Kwandong Army and Soviet Army clashed in northeastern China. Since then, Japan has carried out a military reorganization in northeastern China and also carried out reforms to the Manchurian Army. The reform was mainly centered on the integration of the military and police central organization. In addition, in the late 1936, Japan spent a lot of money to reorganize the armaments of Manchuria, and the weapons possession situation of Manchurian troops more than doubled compared to before. In addition, since 1936, Japan has conducted a security settlement in Manchuria to respond to the all-out war. The main contents are based on the security plan of the Manchurian army and the Foreign Ministry police. In particular, this security policy includes ideological work, which promoted a basic ideological exhibition that recognizes the excellence of nationalism in life while promoting the principles of people's lives. At the same time, an exhibition of wartime thought was held to strengthen the ideological general mobilization system in the urgent environment before the war. As such, Japan has already been strengthening security and arms against Manchuria as a preparatory step for invading China since the middle of 1936. Because of this preparation, it was possible to start a war without a declaration of war when the Lugouqiao incident occurred.

In this paper, Shinzo Abe's political rhetoric will be taken into attention by utilizing Teun Van Dijk's 'critical discourse analysis' and James Martin's rhetorical structure, considering his perception of the war guilt of Japan during World War 2. For that purpose, Shinzo Abe's official speeches and interviews from his first and second presidential terms will be analyzed. This Analysis will help us to understand these two countries' shared past and the reflection of this past in today's international politics. Moreover, how political figures influenced these relations by their discourse. At the end of the paper, Abe's identity construction and its connections with his political rhetoric will be analyzed.

This research attempts to study the Sino-Japanese relations, which have undergone a varying degree of changes and developments, as we find between them a state of repeated violent tensions due to the Japanese war on China in 1894 and the war that accompanied World War II after 1937, which still overshadows the relations between the two countries, as we find Distinction in the relations between the two countries, which is one of the most important relations in the international and regional system, which made the region a center of global polarization, which led to an impact on relations with the countries of the region, we find points of difference and cooperation in the relations between them, the differences included the Japanese occupation of China, the demarcation of maritime borders, the dispute over an issue Taiwan and the main dispute revolves around the issue of islands in the East China Sea (Senkaku /Diaoyu), As for cooperation between the two countries, both countries possess major economic resources, the second and third largest economies in the world, and the need for economic and trade cooperation and mutual bilateral investments between the two countries left differences sideways in order to develop Mechanism of international and regional economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region

Abstract This article discusses the activities of the Sino-Japanese Society of the Study of Esoteric Buddhism, which was active in North China from the early 1930s until the end of the Second World War. The organization was founded by Yoshii Hōjun, a young priest of the Japanese Shingon sect. It attracted the support of a wide range of actors, including a range of former Beiyang government politicians, Japanese diplomats, as well as prominent members of the Japanese community in North China. It had contacts in the Japanese military that have garnered the Society the reputation of having been a front for Japanese intelligence operations. This article critically investigates these claims and seeks to understand the relationship between religion and politics manifested in the Study Society for Esoteric Buddhism. Its history reflects the fraught relations between the two nations as well as between the various interest groups on both sides and thus provides a window into the complexities of pre-war North China in the 1930s.

In the 1930s, the Chinese Nationalist government engaged in strategic military cooperation with Fascist Italy, focusing primarily on aviation. This collaboration culminated in the creation of the Sino-Italian National Aircraft Works (SINAW). However, the partnership was abruptly severed in August 1937 when Japan, following its full-scale invasion of China, launched targeted airstrikes on SINAW facilities. The bombing significantly impacted the Nationalist government’s politics, diplomacy and military and changed the international political landscape before World War II. The present interdisciplinary study, grounded in historical documentation, archival sources, and theoretical frameworks from international relations, military history, and strategic studies, involved a qualitative analysis to elucidate the strategic rationale behind the Japanese bombing campaign and its geopolitical consequences. It was found that the bombing was intended to sever Sino-Italian cooperation, consolidate Japan’s air dominance by crippling China’s air force, pressure Italy to abandon China in favour of the Japan-Italy alliance. The Japanese bombing had significant consequences for the Chinese Nationalist government. It deepened distrust toward fascist states, led to policy adjustments domestically and internationally, and accelerated the formation of the Second United Front with the Communists. Globally, it contributed to shifts in power dynamics between fascist and anti-fascist forces. Italy fully aligned with Japan, while the Nationalist government adopted a more confrontational stance against Japanese aggression, helping to foster the development of an international anti-fascist coalition. The present study provides a fresh perspective on pre–World War II diplomacy and offers insight into the imperialist dynamics shaping international relations at the time.

The article, based on archival materials, printed sources and literature, presents the question of the attitude of the Republic of Poland to the conflict that started The Second World War in Asia, which has been rather omitted so far in the analyses. The presented study concerns the initial phase of the Sino-Japanese war, since the so-called the Marco Polo Bridge incident, till the seizure of Shanghai and Nanjing by the Japanese army. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland was generally neutral towards the events at the eastern brink of Eurasia, although in practice that position was closer to Japan. This was due to the willingness to maintain good relations with a partner who for many years had a big value for Poland in its policy towards the Soviet Union.

This article explores the Internet’s often touted potential for facilitating reconciliation. It conceptualises Wikipedia as a site for collective memory construction and analyses the Chinese- and Japanese-language entries on the bilaterally contentious Second Sino-Japanese War. It addresses the question of how to make sense of the construction of these online collective memory narratives theoretically. Both historical determinism and instrumentalism – two influential theoretical approaches to collective memory and reconciliation – have great difficulties in fully accounting for this case. Instead, it is argued that ontological security theory is better equipped for understanding collective memory construction in Wikipedia. It is suggested that ontological security seeking can impede efforts for reconciliation even when, as in Wikipedia, there exist norms seeking to promote more neutral narratives. It is argued that a subtle bias in favour of the in-group and against the out-group functions as a mechanism for ontological security management that protects a positive self-identity.

7KH(cid:3)RULJLQ(cid:3)RI(cid:3)‡7ZR(cid:3)&KLQD(cid:3)4XHVWLRQ·(cid:3)LV(cid:3)RIWHQ(cid:3)GHVFULEHG(cid:3)DV(cid:3)WKH(cid:3)RXWFRPH(cid:3)RI(cid:3)&KLQ ese Civil War in 1949 between Kuomintang (KMT) and Communist Party of China (CPC). It ideologically divided China into two countries which still claimed to be the righteous government of Chinese people. It remains salient until now. This paper will discuss the origin of this significant phenomenon by pointing out that the Empire of Japan by that time had importantly involved in the partition of China. Since 1895, the first Sino-Japanese war, it marked the first separation of Chinese-speaking people, Taiwan, from Chinese administration. Taiwan underwent industrial and agricultural development by Imperial Japan which lately supported defeated KMT government to lay its establishment in Taiwan. In the mid of Chinese Civil War in 1931, Manchuria incident halted the annihilation of CPC by KMT who inevitably had to turn their attention to Japanese invasion. CPC survived from the abyss of extinction and launched the famous long march. In 1937, Marco Polo incident ignited the second Sino-Japanese war and abided KMT to form its alliance with CPC against Imperial Japan. The war consumed .07¶V(cid:3)

Friendly relations between Russia and China are actively developing not only from an economic and political point of view. Cultural and historical cooperation deserves special attention. A significant number of military memorial sites and complexes perpetuating the memory of Russian and Soviet soldiers are located and preserved on the territory of the People's Republic of China. A significant part of these memorial structures is associated with the battles for the liberation of the Northeast and North of China in August 1945 during World War II. Some memorial complexes date back to the period of the Sino-Japanese War of 1938–1941. There are also places in China associated with the Korean War of 1950–1953 and old cemeteries from the Russian-Japanese War of 1904–1905. The Chinese Government and the local authorities of the regions and provinces make a huge contribution to the preservation of the world's historical heritage. They treat the maintenance of monuments and graves of Russian and Soviet soldiers with great respect and gratitude. The Chinese government adopts laws, develops intergovernmental agreements and methodological principles, creates international museum associations, equips search expeditions to preserve and perpetuate the memory of military personnel. The Russian Federation also takes an active part in preserving the memory of Russian and Soviet soldiers on the territory of the People's Republic of China. The Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Russia and China have established and are operating a mechanism for regular consultations on the military memorial historical agenda. Intergovernmental programs for the preservation of historical memory have a beneficial effect on the patriotic education of the youth of both countries. Every year the Chinese government holds events with the participation of schoolchildren and students aimed at preserving the historical memory of military valor, courage and friendship of the Soviet and Chinese peoples, as well as at fostering patriotic and spiritual values among the modern generation. Protected monuments are historical evidence of genuine military friendship between peoples. They serve as a reliable foundation for the development of interstate cooperation.

Abstract This article examines a transnational network of advocates for Kampō (traditional) medicine in Japan, occupied China, and Manchukuo during the Sino-Japanese War (1931–1945), shedding new light on collaborationism, Asianism, and the modernization of traditional medicine in East Asia. In the 1930s, despite deteriorating Sino-Japanese relations, the Kampō revival movement in Japan joined forces with the struggle to preserve traditional medicine in China. In 1938, the Association of East Asian Medicine was founded in Japan, gathering together Chinese, Korean, and Japanese advocates under the banner of ‘East Asian medicine’. This article delineates the evolution of what I call ‘medical Asianism’ and how it was institutionalized in different parts of the Japanese empire. Participants in this network differed in their priorities and ideological commitments, yet they tactfully utilized the Japanese imperial infrastructure and wartime circumstances to promote traditional medicine. Their work laid important intellectual and institutional foundations for the postwar development of traditional medicine across East Asia. This study also contributes to a more nuanced understandings of collaborationism. The type of collaboration examined in this article was preceded by a long history of intellectual exchange, based on a shared body of knowledge and morals, motivated by mutual empathy, and for a cause that was much valued in postwar Asia. As a result, unlike most Chinese collaborators who were prosecuted as ‘traitors’, protagonists in this study continued to prosper professionally and became valuable assets in the postwar rebuilding of Sino-Japanese relations.

During the Second Sino-Japanese War, China’s “Northwest Highway” was a major conduit for Soviet equipment to support the war effort against Japan. This article investigates the building and operation of the portion of this new motor route in Gansu province. While the Northwest Highway was a remarkable achievement in long-distance motorized logistics—and later became a lever for Nationalist state-building in the region—it came at a heavy cost in energy and labor and negatively impacted state–society relations. This article uncovers the multiple layers of energy inputs involved in the construction and operation of the highway, from organic human and animal power to the colossal fossil fuel demands of truck transportation. Many of these costs were imposed on civilian society in Gansu through corvée labor and requisitioning. To compound these burdens, this article argues, the Northwest Highway brought few positive spillover effects because of restrictions on civilian road use and the limitations of Gansu’s wider transportation infrastructure.

TOSSED ABOUT BY THE WINDS OF WAR. CHINESE REFUGEES DURING THE WAR WITH JAPAN 1937–1945 The Sino-Japanese War drove tens of millions of Chinese people from their homes. Only occasionally did they receive any help. Some had never returned home. A majority of the refugees were men. Many of them (sometimes even a half half of them) were related to the sphere of culture and education. This was surprising since the average Chinese was illiterate. The Republic of China’s government attempted to evacuate universities and secondary schools. It also did not have the means to arm all the men of military age.

The modern aggression wars launched by Japan against China have left indelible humiliating memories for the Chinese nation. During the aggression wars from 1931 to 1945, with the expansion of the war, more and more Japanese groups and organizations were mobilized to participate in the war. This paper selects the Japanese Red Cross Society for research, specifically discussing the measures taken by this organization in the training of nursing personnel, analyzing the connection between the nursing personnel training model of the Japanese Red Cross Society and the overall national strategy of Japan during that period, and the role played by this organization in the war.

: This article explores the emergence of a Manchurian Lifeline as a concept in 20th-century Northeast Asian political economy. It claims that the latter concept, an endogenous (Imperial) Japanese idea conceived to rationalize colonial expansion and resource extraction in Manchuria at its apex, was functionally invariant over succeeding periods and traceable into the post-World War II era. Its logic of extraction was bequeathed to and reconstituted by the postrevolutionary People's Republic of China, which made the region one of the poles of industrial development in its national project. Thus, by comparing the case of Japanese occupation (1931-1945) with that of early Maoism in the region, this study demonstrates how Manchuria was constantly deployed as an "umbilical cord" supporting external powers. The paper examines the theory's fascist parallels in practice, the colonial dualism of Japanese rule — of brutal atrocities and rapid industrialization during its occupation — and the continuation of this basic model under Chinese Communist governance. It can thereby foreground the one-hundred-year history of the region as a lifeline to others, rather than for itself, which helps to explain the subsequent economic decline and ambiguous historical identity of the region.

Japanese colonial migration in China is a significant component of Japans colonial movements in China between 1931 to 1945. Previous research shows that it may influence the post-war commercial cooperation between two countries This research is intended to explore the long-term effect of Japans colonial migration on Sino-Japan trade in different Chinese regions, thus partially filling the academic vacuum in related fields and possibly providing new ideas for macro strategies design. Methods of data analysis and graphing are implemented in the analysis process. The findings are Japans colonial migration mainly promotes Sino-Japan trade and the effect of promotion is positively correlated with migration scale. Export markets and regions less open to the world market are influenced by this effect most. However, in general, the influence of migration is limited because the major factors of trade are cost, profit and demand. In some regions, the violence of the migration leads to historic hatred, negatively impacting Sino-Japan trade.

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Following the outbreak of the Mukden Incident on September 18th, 1931, the Nationalist Government of China appealed to the League of Nations for dispute resolution. Over the subsequent nineteen months, the League Council led a series of mediation efforts concerning the Sino-Japanese conflict, a process that can be broadly divided into three stages: initial emergency consultations, mid-term deliberation by an enlarged assembly, and a final ruling based on the Lytton Commission report. The entire mediation process was characterized by frequent meetings and voluminous, complex documentation, yet ultimately ended in complete failure with Japan's withdrawal from the League. This paper systematically examines the specific actions and decision-making logic of the League across these three stages, analyzing the structural causes of its mediation failure. It further reflects on the inherent deficiencies of the contemporary international order, the dynamics of great power politics, and the profound historical lessons this episode offers regarding the limitations of collective security mechanisms. The study concludes that the League's ineffectiveness in the wake of the Mukden Incident not only emboldened fascist aggression but also signaled the failure of the post-WWI Wilsonian idealist international order.

From 1931 to 1945, Japan launched a 14-year war of aggression against China and it had a profound impact on China’s politics, economy, and culture. One of the reactions or responses from Chinese society to this tragic event is through art, especially in painting. However, most of the paintings in the Anti-Japanese War are dominated by male subjects and females only appear as a supporting role in the composition. The objectives of this study are to describe the female body through Chinese Anti-Japanese War paintings from the 1970’s and to interpret the meaning of signs and symbols through a conceptual framework that has been built from relevant concepts. This study adopts a qualitative research strategy that makes use of observation and documents as its main research methods. This study shows that these visual artworks reflected the social transformation and changing gender roles in culture at that time. The female body in these visual works conveys multiple meanings such as bravery, tenacity, and sacrifice.

One of the most striking aspects of the international history of the 1930s is the revival and official endorsement of a pan-Asian vision of regional world order in Japan. The pan-Asian discourse of East-West civilizational difference and comparison was influential in various intellectual circles in Asia. But during the 1920s, as a political project of Asian solidarity, it was irrelevant for Japan's foreign policy, and it did not have any international momentum or movement. The period after the Manchurian Incident in 1931, however, witnessed a process by which pan-Asianist ideas and projects became part of Japan's official foreign policy rhetoric. After 1933 Japan's pan-Asian internationalism began to overshadow liberal internationalism, gradually becoming the mainstream vision of an alternative world order. This process culminated in the declaration of the Greater East Asia Coprosperity Sphere in 1940, a project that relied heavily on the rhetoric of panAsian internationalism. In 1943, seventeen years after the ineffectual 1926 Nagasaki pan-Asiatic conference that was ridiculed by official and liberal circles in Japan, the Japanese government itself hosted a Greater East Asia Conference to which it invited the leaders of the Philippines, Burma, the provincial government of India, the Nanking government of China, Manchukuo, and Thailand.

Abstract In north China, memorial museums are often associated with the suffering of victims of the Japanese occupation during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1931-1945). The Datong Coal Mine Massacre Site Memorial Hall affords visitors opportunity to bear witness to atrocities at the hands of the occupiers. At the 10,000 men pit (wanrenkeng), where over 60,000 miners perished, visitors gaze at the corpses of dead miners in two deep pits, at harrowing photographs of excavated remains and at unnamed spirit tablets in the memorial hall and on the hillside above. The research brings together the spectrality of absent presence with the Chinese tradition of hungry ghosts as social actors. Referencing the newly available North China Railway Archive of photographs taken by the Japanese of everyday life on the Datong coalfields, read through a lens inspired by Georges Didi-Huberman, we aim to enrich the state-authorised narrative of victimization and humiliation with narratives of individual people. The photographs summon the survival, or afterlife, of those depicted, sometimes smiling into the camera. We suggest that the photographic archive may afford identification of miners, enabling their lives to be honoured as well as mourned and their ghosts to be appeased. Collaborative development of a traditional Hungry Ghost festival could fold memorial sites together with intangible cultural heritage to offer visitors opportunity to commemorate both death and life through integrating history with culture.

The historical development of national minorities in Northeast China during critical periods of the 20th century is a relevant topic in modern history and oriental studies. The occupation of the northeastern part of Chinese territory by the Kwantung Army in 1931 was aimed at proclaiming the state formation of Manchukuo. The topic of resistance of the Daurs ‒ one of the small peoples of Hulun Buir and Heilongjiang Province to the Japanese occupation ‒ is a little-studied area in the Russian study of the history of national minorities in China. The purpose of the study is to analyze the Daurs’ opposition to the plans of Japanese officials and the military in 1932–1945. The article was determined by the hypothesis about the small participation of the Daurs in the partisan movement in Manchuria in 1932–1936 and the change in the situation since the spring of 1936 after the execution of the governor of the Northern Khingan province Lingsheng and three Daur officials. The author also studied other issues: the activation of underground resistance, its local characteristics according to ethno-territorial groups of Daurs, the participation of cadets and officers, Daurs by nationality, in military mutinies in the Manchukuo army in August 1945. The work is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity, allowing us to study the Manchukuo period in the modern history of the Daurs in interaction with the history of Northeast China, Inner Mongolia and adjacent territories. The author used comparative-historical, concrete-historical and problem-chronological methods. The source base represented by documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (AFPRI). The author concluded that the Daurs did not take an active part in the anti-Japanese resistance in 1932–1936. The demonstrative execution of officials of the Northern Khingan province in 1936 was a trigger for the growth of anti-Japanese discontent in Daurian society. Later, anti-Japanese sentiments clearly manifested in the activities of the underground organization in Hailar in 1939–1945, and the participation of Daurs in military mutinies in the Manchukuo army in 1945.

The Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) and the World War II (1939–1945) constituted tumultuous periods in Chinese history, marked by significant socio-political upheavals and military conflicts. Amidst these turbulent times, Chinese literature underwent notable transformations, influenced by the prevailing ideological currents and the exigencies of wartime conditions. This article endeavors to elucidate the trajectory of Chinese national literature during these pivotal years, examining its evolution, thematic variations, and socio-cultural impacts. The ideological rivalry between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Kuomintang (KMT) profoundly influenced literary production during the wartime era. Literary works aligned with each ideological faction served as vehicles for propagating their respective narratives and agendas. A comparative analysis of these works offers insights into the divergent literary expressions arising from ideological polarization. The exigencies of wartime conditions and the socio-political milieu precipitated a transformation in traditional literary forms. Prose and poetry, in particular, underwent significant evolution to cater to the changing needs and sensibilities of a mass readership. New genres emerged, reflecting the shifting thematic concerns and the imperative of engaging with modern realities. The role of literary organizations during this period cannot be overstated. These associations served as platforms for intellectual exchange, fostering collaboration among writers and artists. By providing avenues for creative expression and critique, they played a pivotal role in shaping the trajectory of wartime literature. The artistic output of various regions in China during the war years contributed to the dissemination of anti-militaristic sentiments and the fostering of patriotic fervor. Through nuanced portrayals of the human cost of conflict and the resilience of the Chinese people, literature emerged as a potent tool for galvanizing national unity and resistance against external aggression. In conclusion, the examination of Chinese literature during wartime underscores its role as a reflection of ideological contestation and societal transformation. Through diverse literary expressions, ranging from propaganda to introspective reflection, literature served as a potent medium for both anti-militaristic sentiments and the consolidation of patriotic fervor in China.

As a communication medium, visual artworks present images and convey the information and meaning the artist wants to convey to the public through specific symbols. From 1931 to 1945, Japan launched a 14-year war of aggression against China, which profoundly affected China's political, economic and cultural development. As the temporary capital during the war, Chongqing suffered fierce bombings by the Japanese army many times during this period, becoming an important witness to the war disaster. Faced with this historical trauma, many artists responded by attempting to record the suffering and evoke resonance, with painting being particularly prominent among them. The study aims to describe and interpret the visual presentation and symbolic meaning of the female body in Zhao Qing's painting Nightmare-The Chongqing Bombing in the context of the Anti-Japanese War. This study adopts the qualitative art research methodology, which is characterised by an interpretive method guided by the symbolic message model of the artwork and a constructed conceptual framework as a support for analysis and interpretation. This study adopts the research method of observation, interview and documents. The study combines Peirce's semiotic trichotomy, Barthes's second-order semiological system, and body theory to analyse the symbolic meaning of the female body in visual art. The analysis results show that the female body in the work Nightmare-The Chongqing Bombing symbolises physical and psychological suffering and vulnerability, helplessness, maternal love, destruction and vitality. These findings transcend traditional depictions of females as superficially passive or decorative figures. Instead, they examine the female body as a richly layered symbolic site that absorbs and reflects historical trauma, ideological intent, and collective emotional resonance.

The Korean writer Chang Hyŏkju, who first rose to fame in 1930s Tokyo, sparked interest, translation, critique, and controversy among intellectuals throughout East Asia. Recent scholarship has conducted comparative studies of the perception of Chang Hyŏkju in Japan, Taiwan, Shanghai, and his native Korea, respectively. The present study brings one more dimension to research on Chang by discussing Chinese translations of his works that appeared in the puppet state Manchukuo (1931–1945). I place these texts in conversation with other local Chinese translations of Korean writing. Central to this story is a debate that surfaced among Chinese writers in Manchuria about what should constitute the literature of the region. Within this debate, the act of translating Korean writing became a space to work out the kinds of narratives that mattered, yet it was inexorably linked with the power struggles inherent to Manchukuo’s racial (dis)harmony as well. The texts discussed throughout this study reveal the value of Chinese and Korean textual exchange in Manchukuo and, by extension, how these intellectuals viewed the purpose of literature vis-à-vis modern nation-building. Such a reading allows for a nuanced understanding of the interplay between ethnic nationalism and cultural production. In the story told here, the Chinese and Korean ethnicities take on distinct political and cultural meanings depending on interlocutor and context, belying post-war narratives of inevitable ethno-nationalist triumph over the Japanese empire.

This article highlights the relationship between wuxia (martial heroes) and jidaigeki (period drama) action films and state censorship in the 1930s and 1940s. I first introduce readers to key East-Asian literary conventions that portray righteous warriors who incarnate their moral codes with swords. I then illustrate the political contexts in 1930s China and 1940s Japan which caused the popular film genres of wuxia and jidaigeki to become politically problematic and therefore strictly censored. I closely examine director Bu Wancang’s 1931 wuxia film A Spray of Plum Blossoms and Kurosawa Akira’s jidaigeki 1945 film Treading on the Tiger’s Tail, investigating creative solutions each director found in order to release their respective films despite censorship pressures. There are three inventions both directors pioneered in their work, namely “ostensible exactness” in setting; “patriotic warriors” in characterization; and “swordless fights” in presenting spectacular action scenes. I argue that although these solutions failed to restore both genres back to their former popularity, Kurosawa’s film paved the way for the success of his world-class jidaigeki in the 1950s, and Bu’s wuxia led to the emergence of kung fu films in the 1960s. My critical analysis underscores the innovative creativity of Chinese wuxia and Japanese jidaigeki films while calling attention to the artistic and cultural legacies of these two popular cinematic genres. The comparison demonstrates how film censorship may undermine or even destroy traditions that have a long history and deep cultural roots.

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Introduction. The year 2024 celebrates the 85th anniversary of the Battles of Khalkhin Gol. The slashing war (May-September 1939) ended with a truce agreement signed on 15 September 1939 and immediately followed by ceasefire. The warring sides agreed on the latter, settlements of territorial claims, POW and KIA exchanges. The events proved another significant milestone in the national history and shaped a new stage in Soviet-Mongolian cooperation. The multiple penetrations of Japanese units deep into Mongolia’s territory under various pretexts did attest to those were preparing for war. On 11 September 1939, Japanese troops invaded the Mongolian People’s Republic in the Khalkhin Gol area. As a faithful ally the Soviet Union granted its military support to the nation. The historical significance of the incident still attracts attention of scholars from various countries, including from the direct participant ones. Goals. The article examines some border conflicts between the MPR and Manchukuo, i.e. the events that had preceded the invasion of Mongolia by Japanese-Manchu troops. Materials. The paper examines published archival materials, collected documents, and scholarly writings. Results and conclusions. The tense relations between the MPR and Japan on the eve of the hostilities were somewhat a manifestation of the complicated political agenda then witnessed worldwide. Japan did have certain influence on Mongolia’s foreign policy, since it had launched aggression across Northeast China in 1931 only to create the state of Manchukuo in 1932 and, thus, find itself bordering the former. So, Japan in the form of Manchukuo started posing an evident threat to the independence and sovereignty of the MPR: it would articulate claims to the Khalkhin Gol area. Since 1934, Mongolia was facing border violations that led to a full-scale military attack. There was no clear borderline between the MPR and Manchukuo across the disputed area, which made both the sides begin negotiations. However, the rounds of 1935 and 1937 ended with null results. The Soviet-Mongolian victory would further strengthen mutual political, economic, and military ties.

Narratives of The Women：A Study of War Writing by Modern Japanese Women Writers by Li Wei focuses on China-related works created by Japanese women writers who traveled to China during the wartime period (1931-1945). This book examines the formation and evolution of these writers’ perspectives on war. Through an interdisciplinary research approach of “re-reading,” this study aims to uncover the “structures” that constrained wartime Japanese women writers, even though they were unable to perceive these constraints themselves.

During China's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression (1931 – 1945), Lu Xun introduced the modern woodcut movement, which combined painting, engraving, and printing techniques into a unified artistic expression. This movement aimed to create a 'powerful beauty' in printmaking, using the contrast of black and white to convey strong ideological messages. The historical method is employed in this study, as it provides a rigorous framework for analyzing documentation from archives, records, books, journals, and electronic data. This method is essential for understanding the context and evolution of artistic movements, particularly in relation to the social and political forces of the time. This paper further analyzes the artistic techniques and visual elements of woodcut prints during the war period, investigating how these elements contributed to the propagation of anti-Japanese sentiment and the broader cultural movement.

The Chinese Nationalist government initiated the first national network of mobile film screenings, which subsequently had a great influence on political propaganda in Chinese cinema. Based on corpus data from Chinese archives, diaries, newspapers, periodicals, and literature archived from 1931 to 1945, this study investigates the goals, effects, and shortcomings of mobile film exhibition under Jiang Kai-shek’s Chinese Nationalist Party (CNP) government in China, focusing on the Second Sino-Japanese War. I contend that the Nationalist government regarded films as propaganda to promote cultural identity, the social state, and collectivist ideology. To some extent, such films contributed to the development of democracy and national morality before the war, persuasion during the war, and consolation after the war. However, the mobile film industry in the Jiang era also suffered from some practical problems, such as the lack of planning, inefficient management, obscure content, and chaotic viewing settings. Hence, mobile projection remained a form of public ceremony whose impact deviated from its original intent.

This study examines the music of Koreans music in Gando and Manchuria before liberation, dividing the historical timeline into three periods based on pivotal events: the Enlightenment Period (prior to 1931), the Anti-Japanese Armed Struggle Period (1931-1945), and the Second Chinese Civil War Period (1945-1949). By analyzing musical works from each period, the study explores the temporal aspects of diaspora identity reflected in the music of Koreans in these regions and delves into the multilayered meanings embedded within. The research investigates how the music of Koreans in Gando and Manchuria mirrored national awakening, diaspora identity, anti-Japanese resistance sentiments, and the influence of communist ideology. During the Enlightenment Period, enlightenment songs and revolutionary songs aimed at fostering national identity and strengthening community cohesion were predominant. These songs, characterized by simple and easy-to-follow melodies and lyrics, played a significant role in promoting national education and raising anti-Japanese awareness. In the Anti-Japanese Armed Struggle Period, the music of Koreans in Gando and Manchuria took on a revolutionary and combative nature, embodying the spirit of resistance against Japanese occupation. Finally, during the Second Chinese Civil War Period, the music of Koreans in Gando and Manchuria evolved under the influence of communist ideology, featuring popular and revolutionary songs that praised the revolutionary principles and policies of the Communist Party.

This article is engaged with the transmission of Maoist memories in the Jianchuan Museum Complex (JMC) ½¨´¨²©Îï¹Ý¾ÛÂä, one of the country's largest and most high-profile non-state (minjian Ãñ¼ä) museum projects. Described as the “Red Age” (Hongse Niandai ºìÉ«Äê´ú), the Maoist period (1949–1976) is one of the four main themes that the Jianchuan Museum Complex commemorates, together with the War of Resistance against Japan (1931–1945), the Wenchuan earthquake (2008), and Chinese folk culture. Through a historicized account of the construction of these museums, this article examines the JMC's rendering of the Maoist period by analyzing the display methods and curatorial rationales in three of the Red Age museums. I show how Fan's curatorial approach changes, increasingly defined by his accommodation of the state's definition of what can be remembered and how.

ABSTRACT The Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) transformed the lives of Chinese women, challenging and reinforcing traditional gender norms. This paper examines their resilience, agency, familial bonds, and sisterhood amid war, using testimonies and historical accounts from Terror in Minnie Vautrin’s Nanjing and The Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal. Through a gender-focused lens, it explores how Chinese women moved from domestic roles to resistance efforts, confronted sexual violence, and defied wartime limitations. By analyzing English-language sources, this study critiques male-centric narratives and highlights overlooked contributions of women. It emphasizes the importance of integrating these perspectives into broader historical and policy discussions, enhancing public understanding of gendered histories and contributing to scholarship in gender studies, historiography, and conflict resolution.

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The Sino-Japanese War of 1937–1945, known in China as the “War of Resistance against Japan”, remains an integral part of the official rhetoric of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Considering the key role of the War of Resistance in understanding the perception of Japan by China today, this article studies the formation of Japan’s image by the CCP during and after the war. The research is based on official publications of the CCP, statements of party leaders, and works by Russian and foreign researchers. The first part deals with the perception of Japan by the communists during the war. Particular attention here is paid to the importance of the context of the Chinese Civil War and the global revolutionary and class struggle in shaping of the image of the aggressor. The second part traces the evolution of Japan’s image following the changes in political priorities of the CCP after the war and the increasing prominence of the “victimization narrative” in China in recent decades. The third part illustrates the connection of historical memory to the current problems of Sino-Japanese relations and reveals the role of Japan’s image in contemporary political rhetoric of the CCP. The analysis clearly demonstrates the influence of political and ideological factors on the formation of the image of the aggressor. At the same time, it is obvious that the complexity of Japan's perception intrinsic to the war period in China remains up to the present day.

Since its foundation in the 1920s, the Communist Party of China (CPC) had paid substantial attention to women’s liberation problems in China under the guidance of Marxist theory on women’s liberation. During the War of Resistance against Japan, Xinhua Daily, as the only publicly-issued CPC party newspaper in Guomindang (GMD)ruled areas, continuously publicized and reported on women’s actual living conditions, which then correspondingly formed specific expressions in discourse. From a historical perspective that the CPC attempted to guide the Chinese women's liberation movement into the Chinese national liberation movement, this paper presents a study on the contents, characteristics and impacts of specific expressions in discourse in Xinhua Daily's propaganda reports on women's liberation during the War of Resistance against Japan.

Abstract This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of the portrayal of the War of Resistance Against Japan in the school history textbooks of the People’s Republic of China from 1949 to 1982, prior to the 1982 Textbook Incident. It starts by outlining the core narrative of the War of Resistance as depicted in these textbooks over the given period. Subsequently, the paper analyzes the shifts and continuities in this narrative over the designated period. Subsequently, it concludes that the Chinese Communist Party regime exhibited a preference for portraying the war as a tragically heroic struggle led by the party. Furthermore, it argues that both the War of Resistance itself and its tragic elements played significant roles in the regime’s endeavors in nation-building prior to 1982.

All across the world, folklore studies are often closely tied to the emergence of modern nation states and were used to (re)build national identities. In post-WWI China, a growing community of academics and enthusiastic amateurs began working on folklore projects as part of a larger cultural effort to stoke nationalist sentiment and, by consequence, encourage resistance to foreign encroachment. After Japan’s invasion in the 1930s threw the whole country into crisis, this campaign transformed from the abstract into a strategic component of the Chinese war effort. During China’s War of Resistance against Japan, folklore activities played a valuable role in boosting the national spirit and promoting the idea of China as home to a rich cultural legacy. In communist bases of the North China Plain in particular, a New Literature and Art Movement began with the collection and organization of folk literature and art, which was in turn remoulded into effective and highly politicized anti-Japanese and social reform messages to promote mass mobilization. This article examines folksongs, yangge and storytelling to reveal how folklore, reshaped by communist intellectuals, was designed to serve political aims and address peasants and soldiers in order to unite the masses against its enemies both foreign and demestic. The Chinese Communist Party used traditional forms of folklore with revised content to launch a mass movement that served its primary political needs: winning support of the masses and spreading revolutionary communist ideology to a broader audience. This wartime revolutionary folklore approach continued into peacetime and greatly affected the People’s Republic of China.

Social investigation was a principal instrument by which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) linked policy with praxis, and studies of women formed a vital part of this endeavor. During the nationwide War of Resistance against Japan, the CCP persistently advanced women’s investigations in the Taihang Base Area to mobilize rural women for the revolution, but encountered a severe reversal in the 1943 Liguadao 离卦道 uprising in Licheng County, when every member of the Taihang Regional Party Committee’s Investigation and Research Office was killed. The resulting shortage of investigators hamstrung the work and demanded an urgent remedy. As a stopgap, after the Taihang Forum on Literature and Art, intellectuals active in cultural production emerged as a new investigative force. Focusing on female emancipation, they ventured into the countryside to conduct surveys, thereby transforming the earlier model that had relied solely on party-state organs. Through a substantial corpus of literary and artistic works rooted in women’s everyday lives yet suffused with revolutionary ideals, the CCP disseminated policy to women and successfully mobilized them to participate in the revolutionary cause. As the revolution deepened, women-focused social investigations became a fresh instrument of social transformation for the CCP, continually providing powerful support for its work among women.

The war of resistance against Japan (1937–1945) did not put an end to the decade-long confrontation between the Chinese Nationalist (KMT) and Communist (CCP) parties, which continued to strive to promote their respective vision(s) of the Chinese nation (Zhōnghuá mínzú 中華民族). Nowhere was this struggle more pronounced than in the ethnic borderlands, where state power was weak and the militarisation of society advanced rapidly. KMT and CCP leaders sought to extend their influence across these lands by incorporating minority groups into the emerging nation. One of the arguments used by both parties to justify their visions was the co-optation of ethno-religious elites, in particular those from the Muslim northwest, who were considered instrumental in driving off imperialist forces. This article sheds light on a landmark moment in modern Chinese history, when Sino-Muslim elites helped steer nation-building efforts. It surveys minority policies vis-à-vis the KMT’s encirclement campaigns and the ill-fated Western Expedition (xīzhēng 西征) of a branch of the Red Army, whose women soldiers, paramedics, members of propaganda troupes, and children were forcibly dispersed among Muslim warlords in Qīnghǎi 青海, ultimately converting to Islam.

During the War of Resistance Against Japan (1937-1945), China faced severe public health crises amid military and political upheaval, making hygiene and epidemic prevention critical to safeguarding public health and national survival. While the Communist Party of China (CPC) newspapers' role in wartime political culture is recognized, systematic research on how their hygiene discourse shaped national identity is scarce. This study adopted qualitative discourse analysis of 586 hygiene-related reports from New China Daily (1937-1941) and Liberation Daily (1941-1945), sourced from databases such as the National Newspaper Index, to explore their identity-construction mechanisms. It found that the newspapers adopted three interrelated strategies: popularizing scientific hygiene knowledge to reshape public perceptions, politicizing health campaigns to turn private practices into patriotic obligations, and embedding hygiene into daily life via education and institutions to consolidate collective consciousness. These narratives not only mobilized public support for the war but also localized Foucault's biopolitics and Douglas's purity and danger theory, redefining hygiene as a patriotic duty and collective resistance, illustrating how public health discourse shapes collective identity and drives public health practice in crises and broadening Western theories' applicability in the Chinese context.

The Resistance War of 1937-1945 is the centerpiece of contemporary Chinese nationalism and contention over war memory has long exacerbated China-Japan frictions. The present blogged article by the dissident Christian writer Yu Jie, building on an earlier statement by literary critic Ge Hongbing, is both a rare challenge to the Chinese Communist Party's nationalist orthodoxy on the war by a China-based author, and a plea for Chinese reconciliation with Japan. Who are the victims, and who the assailants in the Resistance War? Specifically, were Chinese alone victims? And what is the relationship between representations of the Resistance War and questions of Chinese nationalism and free speech? Yu Jie and Ge Hongbing offer controversial answers to these and other questions. Looking beyond the Japanese government's failure to repent for its war crimes, Yu insists that reconciliation need not require repentance and underlines instead both the shared nationalism of the two parties to the war and the importance of reconciliation for both nations. This is part of a continuing Japan Focus series on reconciliation and community in Northeast Asia of which the most recent contribution is Mel Gurtov's Reconciling Japan and China MS

The horrific human experimentation Ishii Shirō and his colleagues conducted at Unit 731 is a dark chapter in China’s War of Resistance against Japan. Less well known, however, is the U.S. role in covering up this atrocity with a postwar decision to grant immunity to the perpetrators in exchange for the research data they possessed. Moreover, there exist strong allegations to this day in China that the United States subsequently conducted bacteriological warfare against Chinese and North Korean civilians in the Korean War. This article examines how memories of this “victor’s justice” remain a strong component of Chinese patriotic education today. It argues that China’s “century of humiliation,” which focuses on Chinese victimization at the hands of foreign imperialists, did not end in 1949 with the formation of the People’s Republic of China, but rather the Chinese Communist Party employs it today to portray Chinese victimization at the hands of U.S. imperialism through at least the end of the Korean War in July 1953. Furthermore, this article suggests that understanding Chinese public memory of Unit 731 is extremely relevant to understanding contemporary Sino-American relations because these memories help shape public perception of the United States for ordinary Chinese.

Abstract Ever since Jean-François Millet (1814–75) was introduced to China in the 1920s through translations, Chinese artists’ fascination with him has resulted more from his life story than from the poor reproductions of his artworks. Millet’s focus on the imagery of the peasantry and his purported identification with the peasant made him a unique figure in the rise of a discourse on native soil, which conflates peasants, the land, the Communist revolution, and a distinctive Chineseness in art. This discourse first took form during the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–45) and continues to thrive in China today. This article examines the growing list of artists—from the well-known masters Gu Yuan (1919–96) and Luo Zhongli (1948–) to lesser-known artists whose professional work was supported by state painting academies and teaching institutions—who have been named the “Chinese Millets.” I propose that “Millet” continues to be effective as a trope in the discussion and imagination of art in China today because his life story provides multiple thrusts—the rapport with peasants, the simplicity and nobility of an artist’s character, an unflinching insistence on one’s own style in opposition to more fashionable trends—in support of a vague conviction of the vitalist force of the native soil. This simultaneously eases Chinese artists’ anxiety over their distinction in the international contemporary art world and echoes the civilizational nationalism increasingly promoted by the party state. Foregrounding the persistent phenomenon of likening to Millet in art discourse in China, this study reveals the challenges and dilemmas of an art world that simultaneously strives to rise in the global order and manages to work with an authoritarian state that both promises generous patronage and demands cooperation.

Recent research on collective memory and war commemoration highlights the ‘conspicuous silence’ of war veterans in Chinese history. Studies of the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945) typically reflect either a state-centred approach, which emphasises the official history constructed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), or the alternative narratives constructed by intellectual elites in post-socialist China. In response to these top-down narratives, this essay focuses instead on a historical redress movement led by ex-servicemen of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The former PLA members, the participant volunteers of this movement, devote themselves into seeking and supporting a group of forgotten Kuomintang (KMT) veterans who fought against the Japanese invaders in the Second World War but now struggle with impoverished living conditions. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork from 2013 to 2015, I will show how the daily interactions between these two groups of veterans embody a more private and internalised sense of commemorative yearning for a lost past, highlighting in the process the value of ethnographic research in breaking through the wall of silence constructed by hegemonic histories around veteran communities and their role in making war history.

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The battles of Changsha from 1939 to 1942 reveal three important dimensions of the military and social history of the Nationalist Party (Nationalists or Guomindang) during the War of Resistance against Japan in Hunan. First, drawing on their previous experiences in 1937 and 1938, the Nationalists devised a tactic to lure Japanese troops into ambush areas (Changsha) for decisive fighting. The Chinese scored some victories over the Japanese, who lacked awareness of the true reasons behind the withdrawal of Chinese troops from the front lines. Secondly, the Nationalists received support from well-organized peasants through two civilian organizations during these military campaigns in Changsha. I conclude with a discussion of how the Nationalists used their propaganda to shape the post-battle narrative of the “Big Victory of Changsha” in 1941 to boost the morale of soldiers and city residents, which had suffered a military collapse earlier that year.

Abstract This article discusses how Hasegawa Sosei’s image as a soldier-poet was constructed through the publication history of his war haiku and the literary appraisal of his peers, as well as from his mentor, Takahama Kyoshi. I argue that the construction of Sosei’s image was an important factor in the reception of his war haiku. Hasegawa Sosei composed his haiku while he was serving on the war front of the Second Sino-Japanese War. His poems were published from December 1937 to April 1939 in the pages of the Hototogisu (Cuckoo) haiku magazine, while he was serving on the war front, and then compiled along with several unpublished poems in a collection titled Hōsha (Gun Carriage) that was published in April 1939 once he was back to Japan. Along with the haiku, Sosei’s letters from the war front, and literary reviews of his poems were also published in Hototogisu. The reviews would often highlight Sosei’s status as an active-duty soldier rather than comment on his poetic skills, as haiku poets were struggling to maintain haiku’s relevance during wartime.

This article analyzes the representation of Nieh Hualing’s war memory as a refugee student during the Second Sino-Japanese War in her creative writings, especially Mulberry and Peach: Two Women of China, in intertextual conversation with her autobiography, Three Lives. By centering the intersectional experience of a female refugee student, the analysis enriches war narratives with a combination of diasporic and feminist perspectives on daily life distinguishing itself from male-dominated battlefields. While her war experience as a refugee student constitutes her “first life” in war-torn mainland China among her “three lives” in mainland China, Taiwan, and the United States, Nieh as a writer constantly negotiates with her Chineseness and inquires about her positionality in the world when moving across cultures. While Nieh as a writer embodies a “Chinese cosmopolitanism,” the female protagonist in Mulberry and Peach uses “hypersexuality” to reject patriarchal society and ethnocentric nationalism and go beyond Chinese cosmopolitanism.

The Haiku anthology Shina Jihen Sanzen Ku is the culmination of the tradition of war Haiku that flourished during the Second Sino-Japanese War. This anthology includes more than 3,000 haikus, with an almost equal number of Haiku from the front line and home front, two sites which therefore intersect in this anthology.This feature Previous studies on Haiku have focused only on the outstanding work of Haiku poets rather than paying attention to such anthologies of war Haiku.This paper focuses on the representation of the war dead in this anthology’s Haiku, and the way these texts are organized.It contributes to current research on the perspective on and the intimacy with the dead that characterizes war Haiku. It also proposes an undeveloped approach to studying Haiku anthologies such as Shina Jihen Sanzen Ku, which can expand the scope of research on Haiku expressiveness.

When examining the outbreak and protracted course of the Sino-Japanese War, it is important to note the attitudes of neighboring countries such as the United States and the Soviet Union toward the Sino-Japanese issue, which arose as a result of Japan's aggressive continental policy, and how these attitudes influenced the outbreak of the war. Given that the Sino-Japanese War was a protracted eight-year war fought by the Chinese government with the support of the Soviet Union, the United States, and the United Kingdom, and that it was an international event that directly influenced the outbreak of the Asia-Pacific War, it is necessary to understand the diplomatic process surrounding the war, not just the decision to escalate the war within the Japanese leadership and the decision to wage a protracted global war. After the Manchurian Incident, Japan's East Asian policy included an aggressive expansion of its influence on the Chinese mainland, which was embodied in aggressive public policies such as the army-led campaign to separate Hwaseong from North Korea. In response to these Japanese public policies, the Chinese government actively sought internal and diplomatic means to resist, while the Soviet Union and the United States, both of which were paying attention to East Asian affairs, gradually shifted their policies toward supporting China in the Sino-Japanese conflict and deterring Japanese aggression. The fact that 1935 was the year when Japan's public policy became overtly aggressive, as symbolized by the separation of Hwaseong, and that Sino-Japanese relations began to trend in a friendly direction from this year shows that the attitude of neighboring countries toward the Sino-Japanese dispute had already shifted in a direction favorable to China before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War.

During the eight-year Sino-Japanese War, China mobilized 14 million people, but more than 3.21 million casualties alone. The casualties and property losses of the general public were incalculable. In particular, the National Government Army, which was the first target of attack during the fighting, faced a situation where it was impossible to respond to new challenges in the postwar era due to enormous material and mental losses. On the other hand, Japan's invasion of China in 1937 provided the CCP with another opportunity to complete the revolution, apart from the suffering the Chinese. This war provided Mao Zedong and the CCP an invaluable time that was difficult to obtain, and enabled them to expand their power and prepare for a true communist revolution. The CCP stimulated the patriotism of numerous Chinese people through anti-Japanese propaganda activities, attracting them to its side and at the same time successfully militarized them. The number of Red Army forces that were only 40,000 at the time of the Second United Front in 1937 increased to more than 1 million by the end of the war in 1945. The CCP army was equipped with the ability as a real frontier of the CCP revolution in terms of scale and combat power through the Sino-Japanese War.

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During the War of Resistance Against Japan, poetry in Xinjiang actively participated in the grand narrative of national salvation. This article systematically studies the writing of “consciousness of the Chinese national community” through historical investigation and close textual reading, revealing the mechanisms of its three-dimensional construction: in terms of creative subjects, displaced literati, local poets, and writers from Northeast China each contribute to a sense of community through dual perspectives, empathetic responses to trauma, and reflections on homeland and nation; in terms of artistic expression, poetry forms a unique poetics through geographic imagery, aestheticization of the united front, and narratives of suffering; in terms of ethnic representation, minority writers integrate ethnic traditions with patriotic sentiment, achieving a transformation from policy recognition to emotional identification. The study further explores how this writing transcends a single ethnic perspective to construct a paradigm of collective identity that shares the fate of all ethnic groups and its underlying mechanisms.

During the Anti-Japanese War, as a Mongolian anti-Japanese armed army established with the help of the Simon Working Committee of the Communist Party of China, the newly organized Third Division played a key role in Suiyuan and Ikchao League. In the Bailingmiao Uprising, Suiyuan Resistance War and Ikchao League Resistance War, the newly formed third Division of the National Revolutionary Army promoted the Anti-Japanese War situation in Inner Mongolia to deepen. As a member of the Mongolian Communist Party, Ulanfu led the united front and political work in the New three Divisions, and promoted the development of the united front work of the Communist Party of China in the Ikchao League and Suiyuan area. The experience of the United front of the new three divisions has important implications for the Communist Party of China in dealing with the relations between minority armies.

The “July 7th Incident” broke out, and the whole nation’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression began. Liu Zhenhuan, who had been dormant for more than ten years due to the “Yang and Liu Rebellion” in 1925, devoted himself to the anti-Japanese movement based on the crisis of national survival and patriotic sentiments, and was influenced by the Anti-Japanese National United Front of the Communist Party of China. During this period, Liu Zhenhuan, on the one hand, through speeches, radio broadcasts, and published articles, promoted China’s victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, friendship and cooperation with the Soviet Union, and the establishment of a joint front against aggression among China, the Soviet Union, Britain and the United States, to strengthen the people’s confidence in the war; on the other hand, using his position as a consultant to the Yunnan Provincial Government, president of the Kunming Branch of the China-Soviet Cultural Association, and chairman of the board of directors of Yuexiu Middle School, he cultivated and strengthened revolutionary forces, promoted friendly cooperation between China and the Soviet Union, and united overseas Chinese to participate in the motherland’s anti-Japanese war. Liu Zhenhuan’s persisting in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression until victory, the confidence to win the War of Resistance and the practice of devoting himself to the War of Resistance are worthy of affirmation and praise. On the whole, Liu Zhenhuan’s anti-Japanese propositions and activities are in line with the trend of the times and are progressive. However, due to personal cognition and the current situation, it has certain limitations. Liu Zhenhuan’s practice during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression showed that when the Chinese nation faced peril, many old warlords put aside their past personal and group grievances and adhered to national justice and integrity. This is an important gene for the continued survival of the Chinese nation.

This article examines the role of the Chinese-American Composite Wing (cacw) in air battles during Operation Ichi-Go, a pivotal campaign in the Second Sino-Japanese War. The cacw was established in October 1943 under the joint command of the United States Army Air Forces (usaaf) and the Chinese Nationalist Air Force (cnaf). It comprised both fighter and bomber units from the two forces, tasked with securing air supremacy, disrupting Japanese supply lines, and providing air support to the National Revolutionary Army (nra). The operation saw major engagements in North China and the Yangtze River region, where the cacw faced fierce resistance from the Imperial Japanese Army Air Force (jaaf). Despite numerical parity between the opposing forces, the Allies capitalised on superior tactics, including the ‘Air Guerrilla’ strategy and seamless coordination between cnaf and usaaf units, which ultimately led to the jaaf’s defeat. This article provides a comparative analysis of the cacw’s air combat performance, examining its key victories, losses, and overall strategic impact in achieving air superiority within the China-Burma-India Theatre. Drawing upon archival records from both Allied and Japanese sources, this study underscores the crucial contributions of the cacw to the broader success of Allied operations and highlights the significance of Sino-American military cooperation during the Second World War.

The subject of the research is the U.S. periodicals from 1937 regarding the Sino-Japanese War. The object of the study is the informational discourse of the United States. The author examines in detail the reasons for the heightened interest among American editors and journalists in the Chinese topic. Japan's attack on China on July 7, 1937, became a prelude to a large-scale conflict in Asia, which subsequently transformed into World War II. Materials from both major central newspapers and smaller provincial ones were analyzed. The collected data pertains to the second half of 1937 and cannot characterize the entire period of the Sino-Japanese War, but with the methodology validated during the research, it is possible to study all stages of the war. Special attention is given to publications in U.S. newspapers from August to December 1937. An initial analysis of newspaper articles was conducted using the "Leximancer" program. This established a semantic core for each of the articles. The markers constituting this core were analyzed in the context of the historical formation of assessments of the Chinese crisis in U.S. newspapers through correlation analysis. The main conclusions of this study are: for the first time in the history of the study of the Sino-Japanese War, an analysis using the "Leximancer" program of articles from 1937 showed that the Japanese invasion highlighted discussions about plans for the expansion of the Japanese Empire, as well as the attitudes of the U.S., Britain, and the USSR toward military actions, and issues related to the "Open Door Policy"; American newspapers emphasized the colonial nature of Japanese foreign policy in China (as evidenced by publications from August to September 1937, such as the "Evening Star" from September 5) and used Japan's historical past as proof of its imperial ambitions; the semantic core of the analyzed articles demonstrates the beginning of the transformation of the image of China in U.S. periodicals from "a country of chaos and disorder" to a state ally of the United States. The scientific novelty of the study lies not only in applying the "Leximancer" program but also in using statistical analysis methods to determine the role of China in the informational discourse of the United States. A subject-specific analysis has not been made in historiography regarding the extent to which information about China occupied materials in U.S. periodicals.

ABSTRACT In 1948, Dr Jerome P. Webster-"father of plastic surgery education" and founding member of the American Board of Plastic Surgery-taught plastic surgery to 13 Chinese surgeons through the American Bureau for Medical Aid to China (ABMAC). Founded in 1937, the ABMAC worked with the Chinese government to transfer medical knowledge and supplies from the United States. The founding of the ABMAC in 1937 coincided with the second Sino-Japanese War and increased American aid to China following Pearl Harbor. Webster's course featured lectures on wound healing, surgical management of burns, and defects of the face. Reading assignments included techniques such as neck-tubed pedicles and Webster's own articles on war wounds of lips and cheeks and ear deformities. After 4 weeks of lectures, dog surgeries, and cadaver dissections, Webster and students operated at 2 Shanghai hospitals, including the National Defense Medical Center Hospital where they treated combat-injured soldiers. In correspondence, one student wrote that he later "carried out a number of rather minor operations using the technique and methods" taught by Webster, viewing his Shanghai experience as an incentive to study plastic surgery. Many of Webster's students proceeded to found plastic surgery departments in their corresponding hospitals, establishing a lasting legacy of this educational exchange. Through a review of the Jerome P. Webster Papers available at Columbia University including lecture materials and correspondence, this article examines Webster's contributions to plastic surgery education in China and its impact on Sino-American medical exchange. It ultimately highlights a lesser-known aspect of the history of plastic surgery, as well as Webster's role in shaping plastic surgery in China.

This article offers an in-depth analysis of Soviet policy and diplomacy in the Far East during the tumultuous period spanning from the 1920s to the 1940s. These policies were profoundly shaped by two key factors: firstly, the ideological considerations rooted in the political framework established in the USSR following the 1917 revolution, and secondly, the geopolitical dynamics reflecting the evolving global and regional political landscape in the Far East. The ruling Bolshevik Party and the Soviet government faced formidable challenges as they sought to safeguard the nascent Soviet Republic amid mounting international tensions, both on a global scale and within the Asia-Pacific region.This study aspires to present a comprehensive and integrated examination of Soviet policy and diplomacy during this era. It delineates four distinct chronological segments, each characterized by its unique features, priorities, and challenges. At the same time, these segments are united by the overarching goal of consolidating the Soviet Union's position in the Far Eastern region and the broader Pacific theater. The four discernible stages in Soviet policy and diplomacy in the Far East encompass:1.    The period spanning from 1927 to 1932, marked by an initial deterioration in relations between the Soviet government and the Kuomintang administration following the 1927 split between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China (CPC). This phase also witnessed the 1929 conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway and culminated in the reestablishment of Sino-Soviet relations, all set against the backdrop of escalating Japanese aggression in Northeastern China (Manchuria). This phase demanded adroit diplomacy balancing strength and strategic statecraft.2.    The 1930s, especially in the aftermath of Japan's aggressive incursions into China, saw limited interaction and collaboration between the USSR and the Republic of China. This period featured cautious Soviet-Japanese relations and included significant events such as armed clashes at Lake Khasan and the Khalkhin-Gol River, as well as the signing of the USSR-Japan Neutrality Pact.3.    The era of the Great Patriotic War from 1941 to 1945, during which the Soviet Union's foremost objective was the defeat of the German Nazi aggressor. During this period, Soviet diplomacy was primarily preoccupied with relations with Anglo-American allies, with particular emphasis on the contentious issue of opening a second front. Consequently, Far Eastern and Pacific policy concerns assumed a somewhat marginalized role within the realm of Soviet diplomacy.4.    Finally, the period spanning from the winter to the summer of 1945 emerged as a pivotal juncture. During this time, the Soviet Union intensified its political, diplomatic, and military involvement in the Far East, all against the backdrop of preparations for the impending entry into the war against Japan. Diplomatic endeavors reached their zenith during this critical phase.

The Korean Liberation Army had a strong sense of history and extraordinary pride. One was that it had a strong sense of history to inherit the spirit of the righteous army at the end of the Korean Empire and the spirit of the military of the disbanded soldiers who participated in the righteous army war. The other was that it valued the experiences of the armed struggle against Japanese imperialism of the independence forces in Manchuria and had strong pride and pride as a military force of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, which was established as a democratic republic based on national sovereignty. Based on this sense of history and pride, the former members of the Liberation Army had a sense of mission to be the center of the liberated homeland. However, the reality of their liberated homeland was different from what they thought. This is because the United States and the Soviet Union divided and occupied the two Koreas along the 38th parallel and implemented military governments. In particular, the United States promulgated the 'unitary government theory of the US military government' while implementing the 'state of status quo policy' and did not recognize the provisional government and the Liberation Army. For this reason, the Liberation Army was only able to return to its individual status after May 1946. Moreover, by the time the Liberation Army returned to Korea, the US military government had already started the founding work. As a result, members of the Liberation Army either hesitated or showed a lukewarm attitude to participate in the US military government-led founding work. There was an opportunity to change this atmosphere. First, Yoo Dong-yeol, a former chief of staff of the Liberation Army, was appointed as the head of the U.S. Military Government's defense department, followed by Song Ho-sung, a former senior staff member of the Liberation Army Command, as the commander of the Chosun Guard. This led to the participation of the establishment of the army from the Korean Liberation Army. Twenty-nine people from the Korean Liberation Army entered the Joseon Security Academy one after another and entered the military department. They served as front-line commanders of each brigade of the Joseon Guard and became involved in the founding of the US military during the US military government. In particular, in August 1948, the Republic of Korea government was established and the Armed Forces were officially launched, and Lee Beom- seok, a former commander of the 2nd District of the Korean Liberation Army, and Choi Yong-deok, a former general affairs minister of the General Command of the Korean Liberation Army, were inaugurated as the first defense minister and vice minister. More than 70 former members of the Korean Liberation Army were appointed to the Korea Military Academy one after another or through various channels. They played key roles in the creation of the Navy and Air Force as well as the Army. In the early days of the founding of the army, former members of the Liberation Army were appointed and active as front-line commanders at the division level, including the commander of each division and the commander of the Capital Security Command. In particular, he was in charge of each military academy and military educational institution, including the Korea Military Academy, and took the lead in fostering military officials and military personnel and establishing national legitimacy. He participated in the Korean War and prevented the North Korean army from moving south, took the lead in the North Korean advance after the successful Incheon Landing Operation, and participated in retreat operations after the Chinese military intervention, making considerable sacrifices.

Hu Shih (胡適) was a prominent Chinese philosopher and scholar of the 20th century, recognized for leading the New Culture Movement and introducing liberalism and individualism to China. Through the Baihua (vernacular) movement, he contributed to mass enlightenment and social reform, playing a crucial role in the development of Chinese society at the time. From 1938 to 1942, Hu Shih served as the Republic of China’s Ambassador to the United States, undertaking diplomatic efforts to counter Japan’s aggression. His key objectives included the revision of the U.S. Neutrality Act, securing financial aid for China, and fostering U.S.-Japan tensions to encourage sanctions against Japan. Leveraging his academic reputation, Hu Shih maintained close communication with American leadership while utilizing his eloquence and persuasive skills to raise awareness of China’s resistance. However, his lack of expertise in international politics and diplomatic affairs, along with his liberal and conciliatory disposition, at times limited his effectiveness as a diplomat. Despite these challenges, Hu Shih played a significant role in shaping American perceptions of China and strengthening Sino-American cooperation during the war.