族群冲突治理研究的主要范式和研究路径：权力现实主义、制度主义、发展主义、冲突转变主义与社会心理学途径、国际干预与托管主义

… chance of effective conflict management and settlement by way of a … theories of ethnic conflict and conflict settlement to establish … , ie, ethnic conflict and its prevention, management and …

… a formidable task in severe ethnic con icts. Con ict resolution … This article compares six theories of practice of ethnic con ict … practice in the search for settlements to severe ethnic con ict. …

Abstract The term conflict describes a situation in which two or more actors, who interact with each other, pursue incompatible goals, are aware of this incompatibility, and claim to be justified in the pursuit of their particular course of action. Ethnic conflicts are one particular form of such conflict, namely that in which the goals of at least one conflict party are defined in (exclusively) ethnic terms, and in which the primary fault-line of confrontation is one of ethnic distinctions. Whatever the concrete issues over which conflict erupts (e.g., linguistic, religious, or cultural rights and/or corresponding claims to conditions conducive to their realisation), at least one of the conflict parties will explain its dissatisfaction in ethnic terms, i.e., will claim that its distinct ethnic identity, and lack of recognition thereof and/or equality of opportunity to preserve, express, and develop it, is the reason why its members cannot realise their interests, why they do not have the same rights, or why their claims are not satisfied. Thus, ethnic conflicts are a form of group conflict in which at least one of the parties involved interprets the conflict, its causes, and potential remedies, along an actually existing or perceived discriminating ethnic divide.

… to end in a negotiated settlement. The difference between the … ethnic wars start again. I argue that several distinctive properties of identity-based conflicts render negotiated settlements …

… the formulation of policy on the management of ethnic tensions: tackling potential flashpoints … one-size-fits-all formula for ethnic conflict management; neither is it possible to reduce the …

… to manage and settle ethnically generated conflicts in recent years. The primary purpose of conflict management is … Accordingly conflict management is understood as a dynamic social …

… It is also not difficult to imagine nationalities, particularly after armed conflicts, being wary of an autonomy settlement that can be unilaterally altered or rescinded by the state’s central …

Conflict over territorial control in divided societies is widespread, frequently violent and difficult to resolve, and thus merits systematic analytical and empirical engagement. Extending the discussion of territorial approaches to conflict management in divided societies beyond the usually narrower focus on federation and autonomy, this article develops the concept of territorial self-governance as a form of state construction and conflict management, arguing that it encompasses five distinct arrangements from confederation and federation to federacy, devolution and decentralisation and illustrates their manifestations with examples from 12 countries across three continents. The article establishes and tests a framework to explain their emergence, examines the conditions under which they are combined with other conflict management strategies, such as power sharing, and reflects on their track record of providing stability in divided societies, finding it more promising than its critics allow.

October 01 1996 Containing Fear: The Origins and Management of Ethnic Conflict David A. Lake, David A. Lake David A. Lake is Professor of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego, and Research Director for International Relations at the Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Donald Rothchild Donald Rothchild David A. Lake is Professor of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego, and Research Director for International Relations at the Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information David A. Lake David A. Lake is Professor of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego, and Research Director for International Relations at the Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation. Donald Rothchild David A. Lake is Professor of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego, and Research Director for International Relations at the Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation. Online ISSN: 1531-4804 Print ISSN: 0162-2889 © 1996 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.1996 International Security (1996) 21 (2): 41–75. https://doi.org/10.1162/isec.21.2.41 Cite Icon Cite Permissions Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Search Site Citation David A. Lake, Donald Rothchild; Containing Fear: The Origins and Management of Ethnic Conflict. International Security 1996; 21 (2): 41–75. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/isec.21.2.41 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAll JournalsInternational Security Search Advanced Search This content is only available as a PDF. © 1996 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.1996 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

This paper proposes, among other things, that ethnic conflicts in Africa are fallout of colonialism. Relying on the comparative study of Nigeria and South Africa, it is the contention in this paper that ethnic conflict which has been at the heart of African countries development problem is a product of skewed economy, authoritarian governance and religious bigotry. There is no gainsaying the fact that African countries in contemporary times contend with greater challenges to peace and stability than ever before. Conflicts igniting factors in Africa have been a hotch - potch of insecurity, instability and poverty manifesting in hunger and starvation. All these are themselves products of corrupt and rapacious political institutions that assumed power in the African countries. This has been the case in countries of sub-Saharan Africa like Sierra-Leone, Ivory Coast, Liberia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The contention therefore in this paper is that conflict has become a reoccurring decimal in Africa because the countries lack political will and consequently ineffective in conflict management. This paper is also meant to be a contribution towards the ongoing search for new means of managing ethnic conflict in Africa. The paper compares the management of ethnic conflicts in Nigeria and South Africa with a view to underscoring the intricacies in managing deep-rooted and complex conflicts in Africa.

… Recent research on international conflict management and ethnicity has recognized the importance of “intangible” factors that can drive states to initiate and escalate territorial claims. …

… It is also not difficult to imagine nationalities, particularly after armed conflicts, being wary of an autonomy settlement that can be unilaterally altered or rescinded by the state’s central …

… conflicts creates uncertainties in the minds of southerners about the commitment of the Sudanese regime to their peace settlement… by introducing new demands to settle the war in Darfur …

… conflict management is implied here'." … -West conflict, the OSCE has concentrated its work on conflict prevention and crisis management in the 'former East', while inter-ethnic conflicts in …

Scholars argue that consociationalism has become the preferred institutional tool of choice for the international community when seeking an end to civilwar. This paper argues that consociationalism is increasingly becoming redundant as an institutional apparatus to end violent conflict linked to intra‐state conflict. Over the last few decades divided societies have been subjected to consociational influence. In many places consociational institutions have long since ceased functioning in a way that is healthy for the body politic, yet somehow consociationalism remains dominant both for policy prescription and in academic thinking. While consociationalism was once understood by institutional designers to be transformative, facilitating a transition to a less sectarian system, the reverse is true. Rather than transformation and change, consociations tend to develop ossified properties rendering them resistant to practically any reform. Summoning the image of the zombie, I note that consociationalism is ‘dead but dominant’ and has to defend itself through increasingly authoritarian statecraft. Consociationalism is thus neither dead nor alive, but walking dead, listlessly stumbling from one crisis to the next. Each crisis is experienced contingently with the feeling that something could happen – that something could change – very soon, even as routine prevails in the face of an increasingly defensive state.

… a formally sovereign consociational power sharing system in … The result is an ‘imposed consociational democracy’ which … evolution of the ‘imposed consociational’ system in Bosnia and …

… attitude of consociationalists towards power-sharing. Consociationalists cannot decide whether their theory incorporates all forms of power-sharing or whether it does not require any …

… Power sharing, consociational and otherwise and its role in conflict resolution are also central concerns of the other two books considered in this review essay. O'Leary, McGarry and …

… Given the extensive use of the consociational model as a … consociational power-sharing has on women’s representation. This article considers the specific impact that the consociational …

… ) consociational power sharing have especially pointed out both the important connections between, and evolving complementarity of, consociational power sharing … both power sharing …

For more than four decades, advocates of consociationalism and their opponents have been engaged in a debate over about how to design institutions to achieve sustainable peace in divided societies. In general, existing theories acknowledge the importance and usefulness of institutional design in conflict resolution, but offer rather different prescriptions as to the most appropriate models to achieve stable conflict settlements. Three such theories are of particular significance: power sharing in the form of its liberal consociational variant, centripetalism, and power dividing. Consociationalism, centripetalism, and power dividing offer a range of distinct prescriptions on how to ensure that differences of identity do not translate into violence. They often go beyond “politics at the center” and also provide arguments on territorial dimensions of ethnic conflict settlement. Practitioners of conflict resolution recognize the need to combine a range of different mechanisms, giving rise to an emerging practice of conflict settlement known as “complex power sharing.” None of the three theories of conflict resolution fully captures this current practice of complex power sharing, even as liberal consociationalism appears to be the most open to incorporation of elements of centripetalism and power dividing. A theory of complex power sharing would need to explain why there is empirical support for a greater mix of institutions than existing theories recommend.

In this article the author analyzes the term “power sharing” (PS) in the context of power exercised within a state. He first examines the term in the very general sense, in which it can be applied to all types and dimensions of power sharing between various groups and institutional entities. Second, the author examines the meaning of the term in the narrow sense, that is, the phenomenon of systemic power sharing by groups (segments) whose membership is based on ascribed criteria such as common ancestors, relatives, or racial background, and / or cultural ones such as a common language, religion, or celebrations. The basic segmental units in this sense are nations (understood in the sociological sense), ethnic groups, or religious and denominational communities that form part of divided societies. Third, the article shows the differences between the principal models (types) of PS in the narrow sense: consociationalism, centripetalism, and hybrid power sharing.

… the institutional architecture of consociational power-sharing … , and eviscerate state institutions by turning them into clientelist … explore prospects for consociational power-sharing in Syria …

Abstract Consociational power-sharing has been described as ‘hegemonic’ as the international community’s preferred institutional framework for ending intrastate conflicts. Consociationalism’s dominance is illustrated in the emergence of a wave of new post-war power-sharing agreements two decades after the end of the Cold War. Consociational advocates have recommended power-sharing solutions for various contemporary conflicts, including Yemen, Ukraine, and Syria. Yet, despite claims of consociationalism’s hegemony, there have not been any new consociations to end intrastate conflict despite a proliferation of civil wars globally. This article seeks to address the question of why relatively few new successful consociations have been implemented in 15 years. By turning to the issue of adoptability in consociationalism – the favourable factors for implementing consociationalism – the article examines two key issues: (1) unsupportive international context; (2) complex conflicts. While the article does not foreclose the possibility of new consociational pacts to end intrastate conflicts, it calls on fresh thinking about refining power-sharing to make it more amenable to the contemporary international context.

Abstract Contemporary power-sharing theory is characterized by an impasse between consociationalism and centripetalism. This article proposes the concept of hybrid power-sharing (HPS) as a possible solution. HPS political systems not only combine institutional features from the different power-sharing models but HPS’s “own” institutions may also be shaped. The article conceptualizes such hybrid institutions within HPS, demonstrates empirical examples and proves how specific centripetal and consociational components meet in each of them. The article’s main purpose is to present the new, deepened HPS conceptual assumptions defined and systematized based on the cases of Nigeria, Indonesia, Kenya, and Burundi.

Less than two months after the collapse of the 1974 Sunningdale Executive, its permanent secretary and Northern Ireland’s most influential civil servant of the period, Sir Kenneth Bloomfield, penned this personal reflection on the short-lived consociational experiment. The Executive fell in May 1974 after an alliance of anti-Sunningdale unionist politicians resorted to supporting an unconstitutional strike, which quickly brought Northern Ireland to a political and economic standstill. The sheer force of the Ulster Workers’ Council strike toppled Northern Ireland’s first power-sharing administration, but had this not occurred, the Executive would have faced serious difficulties concerning the ratification and implementation of the Sunningdale package. Over thirty years later, at the beginning of Northern Ireland’s third attempt to institutionalize power sharing between unionists, nationalists, and others, Bloomfield’s conclusion serves as a timely reminder that in societies deeply divided by ethno-national conflict, it is not the use of power sharing as a model for regulating political violence that is inherently problematic. For governments, policy makers, and academics alike, the great challenge is to construct institutional frameworks which address the constitutional issues that invariably lie at the kernel of ethno-national divisions, whilst maintaining a political process capable of providing the incentives and motivations to bring together all the major parties to the conflict. A “hard case” such as Northern Ireland – to borrow Lijphart’s phrase – clearly demonstrates this dynamic.2

… power-sharing, autonomy, proportionality and blocking rights); and, lastly, if it follows consociational prac… What type of executive is best for consociational power-sharing? Many follow …

… The more recent writings by Lijphart, McGarry and O’Leary also indicate a clear move from corporate toward liberal consociational power sharing. Corporate consociationalism, however…

Abstract After half a century of research, the literature on institutional design for ethnic conflict management is still in search of a scientific consensus. This article argues that underlying conceptual issues hinder cumulative research on consociationalism to centripetalism. The reformulation of these concepts as “institutional packages” and their grouping under the label “power-sharing” have resulted in conceptual instability. Instead of contributing to gradually closing the controversy, empirical studies consequently lead to the proliferation of debates about case classification. Having identified these issues, the article formulates five recommendations to reassemble the concepts in a way that fosters constructive discussions in the field.

… In the case of Birundi, consociational power sharing arrangement is a key aspect of the … A proper functioning of consociationalism requires an ability to resolve political differences …

… as representing mixtures of both centripetal and communal approaches, as in each case their electoral systems encourage cross-ethnic voting in the context of predetermined ratios of …

Abstract Centripetal approaches to democracy in divided societies seek to promote inter-ethnic accommodation and moderation by making politicians dependent on the electoral support of groups other than their own base. Such cross-ethnic voting stands in contrast to situations where politicians need only the support of their own co-ethnics to win elections. This distinction can be used to evaluate the utility of centripetal electoral systems in promoting voting across ethnic divides. To do so, this article begins by considering some critiques of centripetalism, showing that cross-ethnic voting is more common in both institutional design and actual practice than some critics believe. It then moves on to examine cases of cross-ethnic voting via ethnically designated party lists, cross-regional party formation rules, at-large communal or sectoral seat reservations, and uni-directional vote-pooling, using these cases to construct an index of strong, moderate and weak centripetal electoral systems.

… and candidates electoral incentives to ‘pool votes’ across ethnic lines, centripetalists contend, and can thus encourage vote-seeking politicians to reach out across the ethnic divide and, …

… diverse and preference voting more widely used, ethnic voting has declined. There is no research I am aware of that looks at preference distribution by specific migrant or ethnic groups, …

… of exclusion by turning to the design of political institutions. Sometimes called the … centripetalism recommends the use of electoral rules that require political leaders to make cross-ethnic …

… the design of political institutions intended to mitigate this sense of exclusion. Centripetalism… making through the use of electoral rules that necessitate cross-ethnic appeals on the part of …

… Centripetalists would see his election as a success of vote pooling, but Croat parties instead complained about the lack of “ethnic legitimacy” of the winner (ICG 2012: 9), arguing that …

Abstract Drawing from four electoral models for the election of Bosniak and Croat representatives to the collective Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, this article proposes a set of favorable conditions for the application of territorial distribution requirements in deeply divided societies. It shows that it is possible to deliver stable consociational outcomes using territorial distributive requirements for bi-national polities. Territorial distributive requirements result in stable democracy only under appropriate consociational conditions for the election of multi-person presidencies in dyadic societies with a demographic imbalance of power, whereas centripetal techniques prevent minority groups from choosing their most-preferred representatives.

… Centripetalist electoral institutions could in particular narrow whatever gaps exist between and within the content and culminationist multinational federalists on the one hand, and …

Around the turn of the century, political developments in Northern Ireland, Fiji and Papua New Guinea encouraged claims that preferential voting systems could steer polities in the direction of ‘moderate’ multi-ethnic government. Sixteen years later, we have a longer time period and larger volume of data to reassess these verdicts. This article investigates ballot transfer and party vote–seat share patterns in the seven deeply divided polities with some experience of preferential voting for legislative elections or direct presidential elections (Northern Ireland, Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Estonia, Sri Lanka, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Southern Rhodesia). We find little support for centripetalist claims that such systems encourage ‘moderate’ parties. We argue that where district magnitude is low, where voters are required to rank preferences and where ticket voting prevails, departures from vote–seat proportionality may favour ‘moderate’ parties, but such heavily engineered systems may simply advantage the larger parties or yield erratic outcomes.

ABSTRACT This paper examines the shifting approaches to ethnic representation in the multi-ethnic democracies of Pacific Asia (that is, Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific). While Tan and Preece (this volume) chart the range of quotas and seat reservations across Asia, I argue that more integrative approaches to the political representation of ethnicity are also evident in Asia’s new and emerging democracies. Comparative institutional analysis shows a shift in ethnic inclusion in Asia towards more aggregative electoral processes, pan-ethnic political parties, and oversized multiethnic executive governments. With few exceptions, the region has abandoned the idea that cleavages of ethnicity, region or language should be replicated directly in the political architecture of the state, seeking instead to aggregate social cleavages into majoritarian multiethnic institutions. This marks a change from earlier decades, and highlights a regional shift towards more ‘centripetal’ models of institutional design.

In societies severely divided by ethnicity, race, religion, language, or any other form of ascriptive affiliation, ethnic divisions make democracy difficult, because they tend to produce ethnic parties and ethnic voting. Two commonly proposed methods of amelioration are called consociational and centripetal . Three problems derive from these proposals: The first concerns the adoptability of either of the two principal prescriptions. Under what conditions can either be adopted? The second relates to a possibility inherent in centripetal regimes: the potential degradation of the electoral arrangements that sustain the interethnic coalition. The third derives from a common consequence of the adoption of a consociational regime: Where robust guarantees, including minority vetoes, are adopted, immobilism is a strong possibility, and it may be very difficult to overcome the stasis that immobilism can produce. By examining these three problems, we can uncover some of the frailties inherent in both of the common prescriptions.

… electoral rules and ethnic representation, we do not wish to consider the properties of the voting … Centripetalists claim that AV sets in motion a cycle of moderation and cross-community …

… 11) defines centripetalism as a ‘political system or strategy designed to focus competition at … seek electoral support from groups beyond their own ethnic community’. Centripetalists have …

ABSTRACT For democracy in ethnically divided societies, political moderation is crucial. The centripetalist school recommends that countries should introduce institutions which offer parties and candidates incentives to rally for votes across ethnic lines. This article discusses the conditions of the centripetal effect of institutions, and actors’ strategies to dismantle this effect. Political elites might try to escape the pressure to seek inter-ethnic votes by building strategic electoral alliances that circumvent the centripetal effect, by engineering the composition of voters in electoral districts, engineering group identities, or mobilizing new voters. Empirically, this article analyses mayoral elections under the two-round majority vote, in a context where they display quasi-centripetal features: five South-Eastern European towns with ethnically heterogeneous populations, split evenly between two groups. Results show that political elites only exceptionally resort to centripetal strategies as expected by theory. Instead, alternative strategies, circumventing the centripetal effect, are predominant.

… elections were contested overwhelmingly by ethnically based … place after the election-in negotiations between ethnic elites … Centripetalism focuses on the electoral system as the chief …

Abstract Can third parties build nations after ethno-sectarian war? We provide a positive theory of peace building that highlights trade-offs that are inherent in any foreign intervention, narrowing the conditions for success even when interventions are well resourced and even-handed. A “sectarian” dilemma arises because peace must rely on local leaders, but leaders who earned their reputations through ethno-sectarian conflict have no incentive to stop playing the ethnic card and will not provide public goods. Intervention can shift those incentives if it stops ethnic violence and rebuilds state institutions. But an “institutional” dilemma arises if intervention crowds out local leaders, limiting state legitimacy and constraining the pace with which state building unfolds. The window for a lengthier, slower pace of foreign-led state building will close due to its own success as the population switches from ethnic to national identification, creating a “sovereignty” dilemma that pushes third parties out. If intervention ends before institutions can deepen leader incentives for a unifying nationalism, violence will likely recur. We provide an “intervention diagnostic” that reflects these three dilemmas, which are a function of the type of intervention, local political development, and the identity of the intervener. In deciding whether to intervene, the limits of building self-enforcing peace should be weighed against the likelihood and costs of ongoing violence.

… post-conflict peacebuilding, this article examines how ethnic … international forces following military intervention – in Bosnia… manage ethnic conflict, the current face of a particular conflict …

… ethnic conflicts as … intervention that seeks to shift the ethnic balance of power? Who are the main multilateral international organizations involved in conflict stabilization and post conflict …

… ethnic conflict have institutionalized ethnicity as a key resource in political competition. International interventions … that take place in ethnic mobilization and conflicts. In conclusion, the …

The perpetual reemergence of violence associated with protracted ethnic conflicts amid an increasingly polarized global milieu presents today's peace scholars with a sense of urgency to identify and propose enhanced approaches to peacebuilding. This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book uses an interdisciplinary PACS approach to advance theoretical, practice, and policy contributions to peacebuilding. It reflects on how gender is implicated in ethnopolitical conflicts. The book addresses the complex effects of external involvements in ethnopolitical violence. It explores hatred as a contagious disease, a public health issue, and a determinant of health in ethnopolitical conflicts, and examines the prevalence of racism, discrimination, injustice, incitement, and violent civil-military conflicts across the globe that are often fueled by hatred. The book articulates the importance of deconstructing the relapse of American nationalism.

… of international intervention in ethnic conflict and of conflict resolution and peacebuilding are … This issue brings together different approaches to international intervention in ethnic conflict…

This chapter reviews established peacebuilding approaches in ethnic conflicts in order to bring more clarity to how particular peacebuilding efforts fit into a larger peacebuilding process. Established work in peacebuilding is organized into a peacebuilding continuum encompassing various focal points to help manage the complexity across levels of analysis, sectors of peacebuilding, and peacebuilding roles. Dialogue and problem-solving is an important aspect of peacebuilding in ethnic conflicts, especially in regard to understanding the concerns of all sides. Indigenous peoples and local peacemakers hold important knowledge and skills about peacebuilding in their communities and also contribute to global knowledge of peacebuilding. The importance of multitrack peacebuilding is increasingly recognized. Some peacebuilding projects leverages the joy and appeal of sports to build intercultural relationships and understanding. Peace education can take many forms and can refer to curriculum development about conflicts and how to resolve conflicts, as well as approaches to teaching.

… However, the peacebuilding interventions whose effectiveness we would like … conflict was based on the affiliation to ethnic/tribal groups, the groups included members of only one ethnic …

Interactive conflict resolution (ICR) is a term that encompasses a variety of small-group, face-to-face methods for bringing together informal representatives of groups or states involved in intense conflict to engage in dialogue, training, shared analysis and joint problem-solving or other constructive interactions facilitated by an impartial and skilled third party. Nonetheless, as this chapter articulates key insights about ICR and their implications for practice and policy, it is evident that the field of conflict resolution has increasing insight and power to bring to bear on the global scourge of violent ethnopolitical conflict. As the various forms of ICR have evolved over the past five decades, the scope of interventions has broadened from high-level influentials connected to the leaderships, to mid-level influentials and leaders from a variety of sectors (e.g., education, business, religion), to civil society and grassroots leaders involved in peacebuilding initiatives and the shaping of public discourse.

… outside military intervention. Thus, although recognizing that each case of ethnic conflict is … faced with the prospect of intervening in an ethnic conflict. For the purposes of this article, '…

… prone to intervene in ethnic conflicts than other state types. Cross-border ethnic kinship is … existing literature on intervention in civil conflicts and civil ethnic conflicts, identifying strengths …

The purpose of this paper is to analyse the effects of socio-demographic factors on ethnic tolerance (ET) and religious tolerance (RT) as well as the participation of the local community in peacebuilding in post-ethnic violent conflicts in a multi-cultural society.,This research was conducted in the rural areas of Indonesia, on the basis of an empirical study that was performed in Lampung, a province at the southern tip of Sumatra. Data were collected through a survey of 500 respondents from five districts susceptible to ethnic conflicts. From each district, two villages that experienced ethnic conflicts were chosen and from each village, 50 respondents were randomly selected. To strengthen the explanation of quantitative data, in-depth interviews were also conducted with another 50 residents, five informants from each of ten villages. Informants comprised community leaders or traditional leaders, local police officers, local military officers and district government officials.,First, the degree of tolerance is not specifically concentrated in the socio-demographic characteristics. Second, ET affects RT. Third, local community participation in peacebuilding in post-ethnic violent conflicts is not influenced by the socio-demographic characteristics but is influenced by ET and RT. The socio-cultural approach is the main strategy for peacebuilding in post-ethnic (and religious) conflicts in multi-cultural societies. The weakness of inter-ethnic relations soon improves in the post-peace period through the reconstruction of social and cultural factors to strengthen social cohesion and social capital at the local community level by involving various stakeholders,This paper is a valuable source of information regarding current research on the role of local communities in strengthening and building peace in post-ethnic violent conflicts in multi-cultural societies.

… contribute to sustainable peacebuilding. Peace researchers … on the effects of peacebuilding interventions is more important than … In sum, peacebuilding interventions have some special …

… economic inequalities following group lines generate grievances that can motivate civil war. … studies of grievances in ethnic conflict and civil war processes, including the present book. …

… consider non-ethnic as well as ethnic civil wars. Finally, … economic grievances, the most prominent studies of civil war find no evidence of a link between economic inequality and conflict…

… of ethnic conflict as a function of the stochastic economic … the role of ethnic demography, the civil war scholarship has … of economic inequality, this measure (when applied to ethnicity) …

… Bad neighbors will have weak political institutions, which can only cause or exacerbate political and economic grievance in other countries as a result of uncontrolled domestic …

… endogenous labor supply and economic production, I address … grievances: oil-rich regions fight separatist civil wars relatively … civil war, using spatial ethnic group data and conflict data …

… the Armed Conflict Dataset (1960–92). Empirically, we demonstrate that economic grievance makes civil war more deadly… This effect is independent of the effect of ethnic grievance. …

This chapter investigates whether civil wars have economic causes. Explanations of particular civil wars often invoke such causes. For example, the war in Rwanda has been attributed to pressure on land, while that in Angola has been interpreted as a contest for natural resources. The subject has not, to our knowledge previously been investigated. A related study by Bennett and Stam (1996) investigates the duration of international wars in terms of political and military variables. We utilize a comprehensive data set of civil wars (Singer and Small, 1982, 1994) and attempt to explain why they occurred in terms of underlying economic variables. Section 8.2 discusses the variables used in the analysis, basing them on a simple analytic framework. Section 8.3 presents the results, and Section 8.4 concludes.

… grievances (ie potential inequality in the form of the potential exclusion from economic wealth) on civil conflict … ethnically motivated civil wars, that is, where ethnic recruitment is based on …

… the studies that link grievance and civil war through political … of civil war, and the overlap between political and economic … the government on ethnic criteria increases the risk of civil war ( …

… civil war was a notable exception, but even this study refrained from claiming grievance as a group-level cause of civil war… the political or economic kind) or which have ethnic kin across …

… grievances have little explanatory power. By contrast, economic variables, which could proxy some grievance … civil war and we employ two measures of ethnic and religious dominance (…

… Ethnicity and regime type provide mixed results. … An economic model does not deny that grievance plays a role in explaining civil conflict but sees grievances as being ubiquitous across …

… grievance concept, the purpose of this analysis is twofold: first, I outline a grievance-based explanation of ethnic … intrastate conflict, particularly when compared to economic conditions or …

… If we can improve economic opportunities, we do not only improve individual wellbeing but also tackle one of the important drivers of violent conflicts. ‘Greed’ is therefore a useful …

The purpose of this article is to review major theoretical arguments with regard to the causes of civil war and identify problems associated with the conceptual juxtaposition of opportunity versus grievance that predominates in the field. While they are critical aspects of conflict processes, perception of opportunity and grievance as two mutually competing explanations or separate categories ultimately can limit, rather than facilitate, our understanding of civil conflicts. For example, we show that not all motives can be designated easily as deriving from one or the other. In addition, the existing dichotomous framework masks other important questions about the way that collective action is achieved in some circumstances and not others or the way that some factors seem to generate grievances at one stage, perhaps, but then an opportunity at another orvice versa. Thus the priority should be to develop an integrated, comprehensive approach that can account for fundamental aspects of complex conflict processes. We conclude by providing suggestions for future research on civil conflict.

… economic … ethnic fractionalisation explain onsets at both levels of war. Our findings are generally unsupportive of the view that grievances due to lack of ethnic group rights drive civil war…

This paper analyzes the relationship between ethnic fractionalization, polarization, and conflict. In recent years many authors have found empirical evidence that ethnic fractionalization has a negative effect on growth. One mechanism that can explain this nexus is the effect of ethnic heterogeneity on rent-seeking activities and the increase in potential conflict, which is negative for investment. However the empirical evidence supporting the effect of ethnic fractionalization on the incidence of civil conflicts is very weak. Although ethnic fractionalization may be important for growth, we argue that the channel is not through an increase in potential ethnic conflict. We discuss the appropriateness of indices of polarization to capture conflictive dimensions. We develop a new measure of ethnic heterogeneity that satisfies the basic properties associated with the concept of polarization. The empirical section shows that this index of ethnic polarization is a significant variable in the explanation of the incidence of civil wars. This result is robust to the presence of other indicators of ethnic heterogeneity, other sources of data for the construction of the index, and other data structures.

… testify to the economic devastation that civil wars can produce… diversity and grievances fail to postdict civil war onset, while … ethnic antagonisms, nationalist sentiments, and grievances …

Abstract Recent scholarship claims that group grievances due to political exclusion and discrimination drive civil wars. The grievance perspective suggests that socio-psychological factors allow groups to overcome collective action problems. We argue that the grievance perspective (over)focuses on the ends and not means, which are critical to explain how groups survive state sanction, allowing contention to escalate to civil war. We suggest that inclusive economic governance reduces investment in state-evading infrastructures for quotidian economic reasons, leading to the buildup of rebellion-specific capital. Physical and human infrastructures of state evasion form the logistical bases for survival against state sanction. Our analyses show that group-grievance-generating political factors are poorer predictors of civil war compared with economic freedoms measured as free-market friendly policies and the private ownership of economies, which should reduce economic rents accruing to state-evading shadow markets. Our results are robust to several alternative models, data, and estimating method. Theory that ignores the means explain the main causes of costly violence only partially, or mistake symptom for cause. Freedom and inclusiveness, which should reduce grievances, are intrinsically valuable, but they are hard to obtain when violence is waged successfully for more narrower ends.

… grievances that drive non-ethnic groups to rebel. Given that most civil wars are motivated by similar complaints … particularly well to ethnic groups since political and economic power is …

… of intergroup contact for improving intergroup attitudes in … consider the association between contact and both forgiveness … ” does contact work?) and moderational (“when” does contact …

Abstract Intergroup contact theory and research argue and demonstrate that intergroup relations, even in post‐war societies, could be improved by individuals' positive contact experiences with outgroup members. This study extends this argument by investigating whether post‐war reconciliation is determined by the amount and quality of individuals' personal contact experiences with members of former adversary groups (individual‐level contact) and/or by the amount and quality of contact that occurs within the context in which they live (context‐level contact). Using multilevel analyses among large representative youth samples from ethnic majorities (N = 2758) and minorities (N = 1751) nested across 40 administrative regions in five post‐war countries (Bosnia and Herzegovina; North Macedonia; Kosova; Montenegro; Serbia), we provide substantive evidence that context‐level contact is a stronger determinant of reconciliation, surpassing the influence of individual‐level contact. Evidence from this research demonstrates the critical influence of the social context, particularly the amount and quality of intergroup contact that occurs within individuals' immediate surroundings, on post‐war reconciliation, and provides important guidelines for policies and interventions fostering positive intergroup relations.

… of changing levels of intergroup contact is depicted in Figure 1, where we report a simple dichotomy—some versus none—for each of the types of contact, within each of the two surveys. …

… powerful effects of intergroup contact on a range of … intergroup reconciliation in postconflict situations. In particular, we consider the effects of intergroup contact on readiness to reconcile …

… of the effect of intergroup contact on intergroup attitudes for members of these … hypothesis, we found that perceptions of favorable intergroup contact predicted more favorable intergroup …

… intergroup contact can promote reconciliation in the aftermath of the Liberian civil wars (N = 181 refugees). We measured intergroup contact … the relation between contact and attitudes …

To better understand what facilitates reconciliation after violent conflict, we examined the relevance of intergroup contact, conflict appraisals and emotions for reconciliation in post‐conflict Colombia. The first study with Colombian students (N1 = 260) was run shortly after the peace treaty with the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC), one of the biggest rebel groups in Colombia, was signed. The second study with members of the Colombian community (N2 = 346) was conducted 4 years after the peace treaty. We assessed the frequency of positive and negative direct and indirect contact experiences, conflict appraisals, intergroup emotions and reconciliation attitudes with a mixed‐method approach combining open and closed questions. Conflict appraisals and emotions did not mediate the association between intergroup contact and attitudes towards reconciliation. Instead, intergroup contact and conflict appraisals represented different sources of reconciliation, which can be targeted by interventions.

… ingroup norms supporting intergroup contact will be particularly … of intergroup forgiveness when frequency of contact is … contact norms on the road to forgiveness and reconciliation. …

… of reconciliation (Shnabel & Nadler, 2008), we hypothesized that in the case of Poles, contact is not … This approach was inspired by a personalization approach to intergroup contact that …

In a society burdened with the most severe type of intergroup conflict, we examined the association between willingness to reconcile with former adversary, intergroup contact with, and perceived threat from former adversary. We focused on three reconciliatory acts—forgiveness to the outgroup, support for ingroup apology and support for financial compensation to the outgroup. We included different forms of positive and negative intergroup contact—direct and indirect (extended and mass‐mediated). In the link between contact and reconciliation, we tested the mediating role of two types of intergroup threat—realistic and symbolic. The sample comprised Bosniaks (N = 267) and Croats (N = 278) from Bosnia and Herzegovina. In both samples, reconciliation associated with indirect forms of intergroup contact even when controlling for its link with direct contact. This indicates the potential of indirect contact to promote reconciliation in the lack of direct contact, characteristic for segregated post‐conflict societies. Symbolic threat mediated the relationship between intergroup contact and symbolic forms of reconciliation—forgiveness and support for ingroup apology. Realistic threat mediated the link between intergroup contact and a more tangible form of reconciliation—support for financial compensation. This highlights the importance of considering different types intergroup threat when targeting distinct reconciliatory acts. Our results suggest that practitioners promoting reconciliation in post‐conflict societies need to implement different means when tailoring interventions that should enhance different sides of peace‐making process.

… examines how both contact quality and exposure to intergroup conflict predict … intergroup reconciliation. Across both studies, contact of higher quality predicted more positive intergroup …

… This chapter focuses on reconciliation-aimed intergroup encounters– between Israeli Jews and … Like other contact interventions conducted in settings of intergroup conflict, encounters …

… In the past few decades, planned contact interventions … intergroup relations and achieving peace and reconciliation. This article focuses on such reconciliation-aimed intergroup …

… Appraising 20 years of reconciliation aimed encounters between Israeli Jews and Palestinians. Journal of Peace Research ,  , 115–125. Maoz, I., Bar-On, D., & Yikya, S.…

… realist tradition of international relations theory, 'the security … The security dilemma affects relations among these groups, … ' to secure their power, need to understand the security dilemma …

… Nevertheless, in both the loose security dilemma and the declining-prize dilemma power … This is because for some Realists security dilemmas are generated regardless of states' …

… The mere fact of colonization means that the colonial power has such a power advantage … —a “security dilemma realist” effect based on real mutual threats and a “standard realist” effect …

… Neorealism" refers to the branch of realist thought that focuses on anarchy as the cause of … of windows of vulnerability and opportunity if power shifts (with accompanying incentives for …

I critically examine the existing literature on the security dilemma in ethnic conflict, thus laying part of the foundation for constructing a dynamic and integrative theory of ethnic conflict. I show that many attempts to apply the security dilemma to the understanding of ethnic conflict have been based on an imprecise and often mistaken understanding of the concept. I then emphasise that the security dilemma theory and the broader spiral model constitute a dynamic, versatile and powerful theory of strategic interaction that captures some general dynamics leading to the outbreak of war. As such, the security dilemma theory and the broader spiral model, when properly understood, can serve as part of the foundation of a dynamic and integrative theory of ethnic conflict, and such a theory will be able to integrate many diverse understandings of ethnic conflict from different schools of International Relations (IR) theory. I show the feasibility and the utility of such a theory.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine gave rise to discussions of hard power configurations in international politics and challenged peace statuses at a world level. Many countries revised their foreign policy strategies according to major power alliance. The global rhetoric shifted from cosmopolitanism to statism, survival and collective security systems. In the midst of a war, the WB states characterized from still high levels of corruption, flawed democracies and unresolved ethnic conflicts found themselves in rising insecurities. The study aims to address the following research questions: Has the Russia – Ukraine conflict caused a security dilemma in the Western Balkans region? To what extent would the security dilemma contribute to the intensity of ethnic disputes in the Western Balkans? The framework is primarily centered defensive realism as well as the security dilemma and its impact on regional conflicts. Anarchy, fear and misperception are the three variables used to measure state and societal security dilemma. The study concludes that states that do not belong to strong military alliances and organizations find it easier to find themselves in a security dilemma that could quickly escalate into an active conflict.

… governments or other ethnic groups, balance of power and force … neo-realists still argue that the security dilemma, and realist … of military conflict among ethnic groups emerging from the …

This article proposes that instances of ethnic violence can profitably be viewed through the concept of a societal security dilemma. It begins by arguing that the explanatory value of the security dilemma might be enhanced by shifting the focus of the concept away from its traditional concern with state sovereignty to an emphasis on ethnic identity instead. This is proposed through combining the security dilemma with the Copenhagen School's notion of societal security. In this way, the article claims that the resultant societal security dilemma is able to capture certain dynamics between ethnic groups that its traditional variant necessarily misses. The article then goes on to show how ethnic violence between Hungarians and Romanians in the Transylvanian city of Tirgu Mures can be partly explained by the societal security dilemma concept. It argues that many Romanians were mobilized on the basis of the misperception that Hungarian societal security requirements necessarily threatened their own identity. The article concludes that misperceptions on both sides were enabled by the weakness of the Romanian State; that insufficient mechanisms existed for the clear, unambiguous signalling of intentions.

… in a security dilemma, security dilemmas are not given by anarchy or nature’ (Wendt, 1992: 407). In this respect, however, in their most recent work on the security dilemma, Nick …

… that developed as Serbia amassed votes and power at the federal level through its policies towards Kosovo, Montenegro and Vojvodina. Given the incentives for politicians in most …

… and argues that not only can the security dilemma be applied, but that the … power-sharing and ethnic reconstruction which can mitigate and ultimately escape the security dilemma…

… sectors of society. Finally, for maintaining civil peace in divided societies, conciliation and … the decade of renewed ethnic conflict, and because ethnic divisions are generally deeper …

… In the context of this debate about “constitutional engineering,… accommodation and stability in ethnically divided societies. … strongly suggests that divided societies need proportional …

… peacemaking in divided societies is a term with any real content, that content must be cast … What shape those institutions might take in divided societies is contested territory into which I …

… and constitutional analysis, this term does not refer to just those societies that are ethnically, … What particularly identifies a divided society is that these differences are politically salient — …

This article discusses the politics of constitutional design in Kosovo as a means of softening societal cleavages. The article maps out the problem of societal cleavages in Kosovo, and explains their origins and implications for the state-building process. The article goes on to survey the constitutional law of Kosovo, and discusses its substance in light of the accommodationist-integrationist debate. While attempting to explain the choices that have been made in Kosovo’s constitutional law as regards the issue of ethnic cleavages, the article shows the international community’s crucial role in Kosovo’s state-building process. Having explained the main pillars of Kosovo’s constitutional law and its design, the article then argues that the international state-building process in Kosovo has been aimed at reaching harmony between the accommodationist and integrationist approaches to the politics of constitutional design. The article concludes that the international state-building process in Kosovo has been aimed at achieving a balance between the accommodation of ethnic minorities in the Kosovo polity and the efficacy and political stability of the newly formed polity/state.

.Electoral engineering determines prospects for centripetal politics in postconflict societies. Lebanon's postwar elections have been contested by interethnic electoral alliances in multi-ethnic electoral districts. Interethnic coalitions, vote pooling and bargaining have structured the results of these elections, as have the electoral laws demarcating the boundaries of electoral districts. Democratization, peace building and ethnic harmony have been the main victims of these cross-ethnic alliances, however. This paper seeks to explain this Lebanese puzzle by examining the institutional determinants of cross-ethnic electoral alliances in the 1992, 1996 and 2000 parliamentary elections.Résumé.Dans les sociétés post-conflictuelles, l'ingénierie électorale détermine l'éventualité de politiques centripètes. Les élections libanaises d'après-guerre se sont disputées entre des alliances électorales interethniques dans des districts électoraux multiethniques. Les coalitions interethniques, le “ vote pooling ” et le marchandage, de même que les lois électorales qui déterminaient la configuration des circonscriptions électorales, ont structuré les résultats de ces élections. Or, la démocratisation, la construction de la paix et l'harmonie ethnique ont été les victimes principales de ces alliances interethniques. La présente analyse vise à expliquer ce paradoxe libanais en étudiant les déterminants institutionnels des alliances électorales interethniques lors des élections parlementaires de 1992, 1996 et 2000.

… analysis of divided societies, addresses in this book one of the most notorious ethnic / race / class … To Horowitz, the widespread "silence on ethnicity" in South African scholarly discourse …

… Again and again in divided societies, there is a tendency to … Ethnically divided societies thus have a special version of the … Constitution makers in new democracies have often been …