维和警察

于均涛, 徐妮, 姜忠东(2023). 维和官兵任务中期孤独感调查及相关因素分析. 联勤军事医学, 37(3), 227-230+240.

No abstract available

Participation in UN peacekeeping missions is one of the forms of international cooperation of the Polish Police, which is a statuary task of this formation. Polish police contingents sent as part of UN missions, although small in number, played a certain role in providing security, as well as brought promotional benefits, and also were significant for exchange of experiences and development of contacts with police forces of other countries. Participation in peacekeeping operations abroad also caused institutional and legal changes in the Polish Police.

ABSTRACT This paper presents findings from interview research with Canadian police officers deployed to the UN peacekeeping missions in Haiti between 2004 and 2017. Focusing on the problem of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), we present three discourses that emerge from this research and their reasoning about the problem of SEA. These discourses suggest that (1) other contributing countries are responsible for the problem of SEA; (2) the UN fails to sanction SEA in practice, while Canada does sanction SEA; and (3) Haitians and Haitian culture undermines efforts to reduce SEA. Using tools of critical discourse analysis, we show how discourses on SEA reinforce a mentality of self-exemption that treats sexual misconduct as a problem in which Canada and Canadians are largely innocent, while the UN, other contributing countries, and Haitians themselves, bear much more fault. We argue that these discourses reproduce a narrative of innocence and contribute to Canada’s national mythology as a do-gooder nation that is largely exempt from perpetrating SEA, despite evidence to the contrary.

The community-oriented policing within the framework of UN peacekeeping operations was considered in the article. Emphasis is placed on the interaction of the police and civil society institutions in the implementation of the law enforcement function of a rule of law state as one of the necessary conditions for its creation and functioning. In the context of many types of interaction between public authorities and public, the partnership model and the concept of community-oriented policing were singled out separately. The definition of community-oriented policing is given and its constituent elements are considered within the framework of the functioning of the United Nations police in peacekeeping missions on a territory of states with a conflict and post-conflict environment. It is concluded that the mechanisms of interaction between the police and public during the implementation of the UN mandate on the territory of a hosting state have shown their effectiveness and can be used as models for effective cooperation between the police and society in the course of building and functioning of a rule of law state.

In the article some issues of professional adaptation of police officers to the service in international police contingents of the UN peacekeeping missions are considered. The problems, stages and types of professional adaptation are discussed. Some practical recommendations are presented to facilitate the adaptation process of a police officer to the conditions of service in peacekeeping missions.

Despite their remarkable growth in the post-cold war era, UN Peacekeeping Operations ( pko s) have been constantly challenged by personnel shortages, namely, the huge gap between the actual contributions from troop contributing countries ( tcc s) and the size authorized by the Security Council. Insufficient peacekeepers have become one of the major concerns to fulfill UN pko s’ mandates. Although UN pko personnel contributions have been a heated topic in the literature, little heed has been paid to personnel shortages. While we know many pko s are understaffed, we have only limited knowledge on how and why personnel shortfalls vary across pko s and, for a specific pko , across various types of peacekeepers (troops, military observers, and civilian police) and over time. This paper fills the blank of our empirical analysis of UN pko personnel contributions by presenting a new dataset on UN pko Authorized Strength. Using UN Security Council Resolutions and Secretary-General Reports, this dataset provides monthly and annual data for most UN pko s’ authorized strength in the post-cold war era. Using the authorized strength as the benchmark, we analyze the features, patterns, possible reasons as well as consequences of UN pko personnel shortages.

Gender balance in peacekeeping is crucial for sustainable peace and international security. Women and children are most affected by conflict, enduring displacement, sexual and gender-based violence, and limited or no access to healthcare and education. However, women remain underrepresented in peacekeeping missions, holding only a small percentage of military, police, and senior positions. This imbalance hampers peacebuilding efforts. Studies and the experience of female engagement teams show that women's involvement improves intelligence gathering, increases engagement and trust of the local population in UN peace operations, and contributes to more sustainable peace agreements. Despite this, structural underrepresentation, cultural stereotypes, inadequate facilities, and limited opportunities continue to restrict women's roles in peacekeeping. Including women in peacekeeping is not only a matter of justice but also a strategic necessity. Guided by the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda and UNSCR 1325, it emphasises that inclusive peacekeeping builds trust between UN peacekeepers and local communities, protects civilians, aids in implementing UN mandates, and supports post-conflict reconstruction.

Abstract:This article argues that positive US-China relations enabled China in 2004 to diversify its strategy toward Haiti, a staunch supporter of Taiwan, by contributing its first-ever Formed Police Unit (FPU) to the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). The organizational readiness of the China Peacekeeping Police Training Center (CPPTC) also played a large role in shaping this development. With the contribution of its FPUs, China intended to influence Haiti and reset bilateral relations. However, the limited training capacity of CPPTC meant that China could only contribute one FPU at a time—even though contributing more FPUs would have strengthened its influence on Haiti even more. When US-China relations turned negative and Zhou Yongkang, the chief patron of the Chinese police, lost power in 2012, China terminated its participation.

United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations have been pivotal in global efforts to stabilize conflict zones and mitigate violence for over seven decades. Utilizing soldiers, police personnel, and civilian peacekeepers from diverse backgrounds, these missions aim to implement multidimensional mandates while upholding international legitimacy. Beyond traditional roles of maintaining peace and stability, modern peacekeeping endeavours encompass a spectrum of responsibilities, including civilian protection, demobilization, and human rights enforcement, thereby fostering the transition from conflict to peace. However, amidst these noble goals, the UN has faced persistent criticism regarding human rights violations and sexual abuse by peacekeepers. This paper delves into the UN’s efforts to address legal and policy concerns, ensuring human rights protection and restoring the integrity of peacekeeping. It examines normative frameworks guiding peacekeeping missions and the evolving role of human rights therein. Despite advancements, challenges persist, including ambiguous mandates, political discord, and accountability deficits. Ambiguities in\ conceptual frameworks further complicate operationalization, necessitating clarity and coherence in mandates and implementation.Recommendations for improvement include prioritizing civilian protection and human rights, fostering political consensus, and addressing discrepancies in resource allocation. Additionally, measures to ensure accountability, including penalties for troop-contributing countries and re-evaluation of peacekeepers’ immunity, are vital. In conclusion, while UN peacekeeping remains indispensable in global peace efforts, addressing human rights violations and enhancing accountability are imperative to uphold its integrity and effectiveness.

The peacekeeping became actual agenda of international relations due to increased number of internal conflicts with mass human rights violations in different regions of the world including Africa. The problems of ensuring peace and security have become priority for United Nations (UN) and regional organizations involved in constant search of conflict resolution best practices. Peacekeeping actors admitted the key role of law-enforcement agencies, and first of all the police, in ensuring security in conflict or post-conflict reconstruction. Therefore, the UN actively developing the strategy of police methods usage in peacekeeping operations. Because of this process, the number of member states contributing police contingents to the UN including formed police units increased. Joint activity of police officers from different countries with different education, professional experience and specialization requires high-quality training of candidates for peacekeeping operations. The purpose of this article is to analyze the needs of African police officers in professional development and the capabilities of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation in training of African police officers for the UN peacekeeping operations. The study is based on insights from non-participant observation, interviews and analyses of the UN official documents, policies and training materials. Actual Russian and foreign scientific publications were used. Results confirmed that Russian Federation has many years of experience in African policemen training for the UN peacekeeping operations. The promising areas of Russian Federation participation in the development of the peacekeeping potential of African police, along with the provision of standardized pre-deployment training based on the UN certified programs, can be training in the crime investigation methodology and the training of special police units of the UN member states.

Do United Nations peacekeeping operations improve the security of humanitarian aid workers during conflict? Answering this question is important given the critical assistance that humanitarian personnel provide in conflict zones, the increased integration of humanitarian activities in UN operations in recent decades and the growing incidence of attacks against aid workers worldwide. Researchers have found that the presence of peacekeepers does not positively affect aid worker security and may even make humanitarian personnel more vulnerable to violent attacks. However, previous studies have not examined whether the effect of peacekeeping operations on aid worker security is influenced by the personnel composition of UN missions. I hypothesize that operations with more troops are likely to reduce attacks against aid workers, while similar security gains are unlikely to be realized with larger numbers of police or observers. This is due to troops’ specific capabilities, which increase their ability to mitigate high-intensity conflict environments and protect humanitarian personnel traveling on roads. Statistical analyses of monthly data between 2000 and 2015 indicate that greater numbers of UN troops, but not police and observers, are correlated with fewer attacks against aid workers. The implications of these findings are discussed, with an eye toward addressing challenges facing the UN’s force-generation process.

Recent years have seen an increased emphasis on both protection of civilians and the problem of sexual violence. We explore the impact of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping on the occurrence of wartime sexual violence. Acknowledging the difficulty in reducing sexual violence, we propose two conditions under which peacekeepers are more likely to be successful: when the mission has a protection mandate and when the conflict actors exercise a high level of control over their forces. We find that the ability of peacekeepers to reduce sexual violence in general is weak. Only police within protection missions reduces the risk of sexual violence by rebels. However, when the actors exercise control, the number of peacekeepers is associated with a lower risk of sexual violence by both governments and rebels. We conclude that dealing with sexual violence by weak and fragmented actors is a challenging task beyond the current capacity of UN peacekeeping.

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC), one of the main UN bodies, is charged with promoting and upholding international peace and security. The UNSC is empowered by resolutions to deploy peacekeeping forces to any crisis zone to preserve international peace and security. However, these UN peacekeeping missions have encountered moral conundrums in the course of their work using the DRC as a case study, this research sought to investigate the ethical dilemmas faced by UNSC peacekeeping operations in complex African complexes. The main objective of the study was to critically examine the ethical and community dilemmas that the UNSC's peacekeeping missions in the DRC had to deal with. The study used the constitutive theory as the main theory that formed the hinge of the study. Qualitative data was gathered from the Military, Police, Civilian, Prisons and Correctional Services, and diplomats who were selected for their particular experience and proficiency in peacekeeping missions. NVIVO 11 was used to analyze the collected data, and the results yielded themes that the researcher then presented verbatim. In this regard, the study revealed that the UNSC peacekeeping force is confronted with several moral dilemmas, including social disintegration, human casualties, constitutional crises, and UN Charter violations that have resulted in ceaseless wars. Therefore, the study recommends that African nations make security-related investments if they want to protect their national sovereignty from outside influence, reliance, and meddling. African nations must also be self-sufficient and not overly reliant on other nations to solve their problems.

This article examines the role of the Formed Police Unit (FPU) in the perspective of international humanitarian law and international human rights law, particularly in the context of civilian protection in conflict areas. The FPU is an armed police unit deployed in UN peacekeeping missions with a mandate to protect civilians, maintain order, and support post-conflict recovery. Despite its strategic role, the FPU faces legal, operational and socio-cultural challenges. This study uses a normative-juridical approach by analyzing international legal documents, UN operational standards, and academic literature. It is emphasized that the effectiveness of the FPU is highly dependent on human rights-based training, clarity of mandate, logistical readiness, and the ability to build trust with local communities. This article recommends strengthening accountability mechanisms and cross-sector integration in peace missions, so that the FPU is able to carry out its protection mandate substantially and in accordance with applicable international legal principles.

ABSTRACT This article studies norm translation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda by interrogating the ways in which external support can contribute to gendering the security sector in conflict-affected countries. Through a case study of a Norwegian-led Specialized Police Team which provided capacity building in crime scene management to Malian Security Forces as part of the UN mission in Mali, it analyses how different understandings of gender inform gender mainstreaming practice. The analysis shows that while the Norwegian officers worked actively to promote gender equality and women’s participation, the possibilities for capacity building to contribute to a gendering of the security sector are limited by the lack of more transformative understandings of gender to inform practice.

Attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) to post-conflict countries is difficult. After conflict ends, governments struggle to perfectly enforce the institutions which otherwise shield investors from political instability. Reflecting this governance problem, this article presents a new explanation linking United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations to subnational allocations of FDI in post-conflict countries. I specifically argue that deployments of UN peacekeeping police credibly signal to foreign firms where future political instability is least likely to disrupt their operations. Data from Liberia’s extractive sector support my argument. Increasing the local deployment of UN police encourages foreign firms to establish new natural resource concessions, particularly in areas where the government’s capacity to uphold the rule of law is weak.

ABSTRACT How do United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions influence the use of conflict related sexual violence (CRSV) by armed non-state actors? This study argues efficacy is influenced by conditions that precede deployment and the composition of UN forces. Poor intragroup cohesion within rebel ranks incentivizes CRSV, putting peacekeepers in a precarious position upon deployment. UN police improve law enforcement capabilities, build relationships with local communities, and promote information diffusion mechanisms. As a result, UN police are associated with a decrease in CRSV, even in the most difficult environments.

Abstract Since the 1990s, United Nations (UN) peacekeepers have been engaged in multidimensional activities in conflict-affected countries. The existing literature, however, focuses predominantly on the effectiveness of military and police peacekeepers involving the threat of force, and does not shed light on the effectiveness of civilian peacekeepers despite the latter's crucial role in rebuilding local livelihoods and restoring state institutions. Civilian participation in peacekeeping increases both the benefits of peaceful life and the costs of combat. Further, civilian activities, by strengthening the rule of law and political accountability mechanism, contribute to encouraging both the rebels and government to disengage from further violence. Using the original dataset of financial resources for UN peacekeeping operations in the world, from 1988 to 2019, I test hypotheses regarding the impact of civilian expenditures on battle-related deaths. Regression analysis shows that spending on the civilian component in UN peacekeeping reduces battle-related deaths on the government side inflicted by insurgents.

United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping is the largest andmost visible representation of the UN. It represents a collective investment in global peace, security, and stability. Peacekeepers protect civilians, actively prevent conflict, reduce violence, strengthen security, and empower national authorities to assume these responsibilities. Peacekeepers are not an enforcement tool but are highly regarded as an effective instrument for preventing resumption of civil war.1 Over 90,000 personnel from 125 countries contribute troops, police, and civilian personnel. Whereas the United States (US) is the largest financial contributor to UN peace keeping programs, they rank number 82 out of over 120, with 31 peacekeepers (0.00000009 per capita) assigned to the UN. Russia ranks 64th with 72 deployed peacekeepers (0.00000049 per capita), whereas Ukraine ranks 44th with 307 peacekeepers (0.00000743 per capita).2 Peacekeeping training is robust both individually and collectively. In 2007, the UN developed the Integrated Training Service (ITS) as the responsible center for peacekeeping training that focuses on skills of non-violent conflict management to prevent or defuse potentially violent situations during their missions. Bratersky, in 2018, is the first to write about the emergence of both China and Russia in developing alternate views and policies of peacekeeping and the implementation of them in practice.3 He writes that in the US and many European countries, the “goal of peacekeeping and conflict resolution is to protect individual rights and freedoms and to accomplish a democratic transition by replacing authoritarian regimes with liberal-democratic alternatives.” For both Russia and China, “as well as many other emerging powers,” their goal of conflict resolution and peacekeeping is restricted “to preserve and strengthen the local state structures so they can support law and order on their territory and stabilize the situation in the country and the region,” a philosophy that has allowed many autocratic “rising powers” the right to continue to rule.3 With the gradual emergence of autocratic regimes and erosion of liberal democratic institutions, the world experienced a fall from a peak of 45 democratic countries in 2010 to 37 in 2019,4 bringing with it increasing influence and the opportunity for re-interpretation of many crucial prior agreements that guided peacekeepers in the past.5 No operational conditions changed for peacekeepers until a Russian-led alliance with deployed peacekeepers were sent by the UN to Kazakhstan in January 2022. The main tasks of the Russian-led peacekeeping activities and views proved to be divergent on security, human rights, and approach to international affairs as compared to Western counterparts. Bratersky’s study emphasizes Russian peacekeepers historically do not act as neutral arbiters.5 Rather, they support one side, something that those who have observed these missions in practice discuss in private. From a Russian state perspective, supporting one side creates stability—it allows ownership of two-thirds of the struggle. One-sided support has been the practice in previous Russian peacekeeping efforts, for example inMoldova, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh; adding that “Although the Russians have labeled their involvement as a PKO [peace keeping operation], the Russian military has been anything but impartial;” and “Whatmatters is thatMoscow’s approach simply freezes the conflict and maintains control and does not shy about acting unilaterally”5 (it is most interesting that the author ends her theses by stating: “There is no reason to be surprised if Moscow deploys another ‘peacekeeping’ force to make a point. It is only a matter of time”).5 Fast forward to the current conflict in Ukraine. When President Putin announced on February 21, 2022 that he had signed decrees ordering military forces into two separatist regions of Ukraine for “peacekeeping” purposes and recognizing the regions’ independence, no student of the re-interpretation of “peacekeeping” by Russia was surprised other than the 1. Editor for Humanitarian Affairs, Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 2. Senior Fellow and Scientist, Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, T.H. Chan School of Public Health, Harvard University, Boston, Massachusetts USA 3. Department of Security, Polish Air Force University, Dęblin, Poland 4. Department of Surgery, Institute of Clinical Sciences, Sahlgrenska Academy, Gothenburg University, Gothenburg, Sweden 5. Gothenburg EmergencyMedicine Research Group (GEMREG), Sahlgrenska Academy, Gothenburg University, Gothenburg, Sweden

The United Nations’ (UN) charter endows its Security Council (UNSC) with primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. Yet, there are contradictions in its institutional setup. The two-tiered system of membership, with five permanent (P5), veto-wielding member states and 10 non-permanent members (the elected ten or E10) that have no right to the veto, renders the UN institutionally unequal. Further, while there is no permanent seat for any African country, conflicts on the continent are a foremost part of the UNSC’s workload. The majority of UN police and military troops, 84 per cent, are deployed to peace support operations on the African continent. As of June 2023, nearly half of the conflict situations on the Council’s agenda were in Africa. France, the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States (US), known as the P3, were the penholders for all but one of the 14 African situations on the official work programme for the first half of 2023. The limits of impermanence also affect other types of E10 states, including regional powers such as Brazil and India or small(er) states with important track records in development cooperation, such as the Nordic countries. For African, Nordic and European states like Germany, making the Council more effective is also crucial to their conflict management efforts and part of the regional commitments of the

No abstract available

With no new UN peacekeeping operations authorized since 2017, are they a relic of the past? This article argues that that although UN peacekeeping faces significant headwinds, there are alternatives that fill, at least in part, the gaps. Specifically, there are six alternatives that appear possible, and often likely, in the near future: (1) a return to narrowly mandated UN operations that monitor cease-fires after limited peace agreements, (2) operations carried out by regional organizations, (3) limited actions involving UN civilian police, (4) UN peace initiatives emphasizing diplomacy and technical assistance, (5) “minilateral coalitions of the willing”, and (6) privatization, involving private security services.

ABSTRACT The protection of civilians has moved from the periphery to the core of public perceptions of what UN peacekeeping is for. At the same time, the operational and tactical arts of civilian protection have become better developed, more sophisticated, and more widely known. This turn towards protection has improved UN peacekeeping and, more importantly, saved civilian lives. This piece shows that together, the essays in this collection suggest a need to think more holistically about by situating practices of UN peacekeeping along a broader continuum of practice comprising local actors, unarmed civilian protectors at one end, a more fulsome understanding of the role of UN police and national authorities in the middle, and – at the other end – difficult questions about humanitarian intervention.

ABSTRACT This article introduces a Special Issue on the Protection of Civilians (PoC) efforts in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations. The UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1265 in February 1999, laying the basis for PoC becoming a fundamental part of UN peacekeeping. On the 25th anniversary of this resolution, it’s time to reflect on the various advances, achievements and challenges facing the UN’s PoC agenda. This introduction to the Special Issue outlines the UN’s three-tiered PoC approach: dialogue and engagement, physical protection, and creating a protective environment. Building on this foundation, the Special Issue explores diverse topics, including pre-deployment training, unarmed peacekeeping, host-state consent, military and police roles in protection, the use of force by troops, civilian protection sites in South Sudan, and the unintended effects of peacekeeping missions. Each article contributes insights across the three PoC tiers bringing together cutting edge insights from leading academics and practitioners in the field.

Interoperability is central to UN peace operations. These operations are civilian-led enterprises that pursue complex objectives, which often can only be achieved through the close collaboration of civilian, police, and military actors. As a result, coordination and interoperability between civilian and uniformed personnel in peace operations is not only desirable but often necessary to the success of these missions. Yet, interoperability is not a given. Peace operations face important challenges that can undermine the ability of their different components to work effectively together towards common objectives. Based on observations made during field research in Haiti and time spent at the UN headquarters in New York City, this essay discusses the challenges faced by peace operations in regard to interoperability, factors that facilitate interoperability, and implications for Canada’s announced return to peacekeeping.

ABSTRACT The contested zero-tolerance policy of the United Nations (UN) regulates sexual relations between peacekeepers and civilians while on mission. Though the policy is intended to protect civilians from sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), many have argued, conversely, that it exacerbates their precarity and undermines female sexual agency. This study pushes these debates further by examining how sexual regulatory frameworks endorsed by the UN directly and indirectly impact female peacekeepers. Drawing on interviews conducted with police officers, soldiers, and gendarmes, as well as elite decision makers across four countries (Ghana, Zambia, Uruguay, and Senegal), we argue that strict regulation of sexual behaviors can limit women’s ability to meaningfully participate in peacekeeping operations in two ways. First, it incentivizes and legitimizes domestic security institutions’ decisions to extend “protectionist” zero-tolerance policies to female peacekeepers. When taken to the extreme, these policies can be enforced through gender segregation models that marginalize women in the workplace. Second, banning sex with civilians can inversely channel sexual demands toward female peacekeepers. This can contribute to a hypersexualized work environment in which SEA and harassment is rife. These findings reinforce the need to reconsider policy frameworks governing sexual relations and raise urgent questions regarding the sexual agency of female peacekeepers.

Pointing to the transformation of the boundaries between policing and military operations, the author presents the story of Hungarian UN police peacekeeping missionaries and crisis management operation-veterans.

Emerging and disruptive technologies are increasingly present in our lives, determining the increase in people's living standards and the progress of society. The influence of this type of technologies is present in both the civilian and military environments. In the military environment, by transforming into capabilities, the impact will be significant on defense institutions, but also on classic security strategies, military doctrines, operational concepts, wars. In this paper, using the bibliographical and analytical method, it will be highlighted how emerging and disruptive technologies can be used by hostile forces to increase disinformation and uncertainty in conflict areas where peacekeeping missions are carried out under the auspices of the UN. Personnel participating in UN missions must identify the signs of a disinformation campaign as early as possible and have the necessary knowledge to combat it.

Atrocity sites such as mass grave locations and massacre scenes pose critical challenges and responsibilities for United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations. This article examines how UN peacekeepers have addressed these sites, integrating both theoretical frameworks and practical case studies from past and contemporary missions. It argues that effectively securing and investigating atrocity sites – through evidence preservation, support to justice mechanisms, and memorialization – is essential for accountability and sustainable peace.

This study aims to analyze the involvement of Indonesian FPU (8) at UNAMID in Darfur, Sudan Period 2016-2017. To analyze the case, the author uses several concepts such as, Ethnic Conflict, Preventive Diplomacy, Humanitarian Intervention and Peace Keeping. This research is a qualitative research. The results of this study show that in an effort to muffling a protracted conflict in Darfur-Sudan, caused by the Janjaweed militia and support from Sudanese government that resulted in Ethnic Genocide on Darfur, Sudan. Seen from the prolonged conflict in Darfur, PBB issued a joint Resolution in Darfur-Sudan, called UNAMID (United Nations-African Mission in Darfur). Indonesia as a country that maintain peace feels compelled to participate in peace and security missions in Darfur- Sudan. With the agreement between the United Nations and Indonesia, Indonesia sent the FPU Police Task Force to Darfur-Sudan as a Peace Operation to stop the conflict in Darfur, Sudan. In his duty FPU 8 Indonesia as PKO, has important duties: 1) Maintain Conflict in the form of ceasefire and humanitarian protection and, 2) Conserve peace in the form of human rights and humanitarian aid.

In a globalized world, language proficiency plays a vital role in promoting international cooperation, especially within law enforcement agencies. This research investigates the impact of French language skills on police training effectiveness and cross-border collaboration readiness among police trainees at the Vietnam People's Police Academy. Employing a case study approach, this research examines how varying levels of French language proficiency contribute to professional development, enhance trainees' competencies in international operations, and improve knowledge-sharing capabilities with French-speaking counterparts. The data were collected through structured surveys and in-depth interviews, assessing variables such as confidence in international cooperation, competence in applying knowledge from French-speaking agencies, and readiness for collaborative law enforcement tasks. SPSS software was utilized to assess the data, indicating a positive correlation between French language proficiency and the trainees' confidence and effectiveness in international cooperation activities. The research confirms that integrating French language training into the curriculum at the People's Police Academy of Vietnam is a necessary strategy to enhance international capacity, support missions, foster understanding, and build trust with French-speaking partners. These findings underscore the value of incorporating language training.

PurposeThis study identifies the policing pre-deployment training content for Korean experts based on needs assessments. Korean policing is at an excellent level to transfer knowledge and skills. Pre-deployment training should be designed systematically and training of trainers approaches should be implemented.Design/methodology/approachThis study used T-tests, Borich needs assessments, and Locus for Focus model analyses to determine the priorities of needs for pre-deployment training in policing. A survey of 116 experienced experts was conducted, with 87 responding (75%).FindingsThe study identified 26 factors that deployed law enforcement professionals want to learn from pre-deployment training. These factors were categorized into three areas: research, training design and methods and understanding of partner countries and international development cooperation. The nine highest priorities for training needs were related to understanding the status and conditions of police training in the country to which policing experts are deployed.Research limitations/implicationsThis study was limited to Korean policing experts. And the study did not evaluate the validity of the training curriculum or indicators.Practical implicationsTechnical assistance in international policing development cooperation aims to train future trainers who can train local police. This study found that limited learner information and poor communication skills can lead to ineffective technical assistance.Originality/valueThis study highlights the importance of knowledge transfer and effective pre-deployment training for policing. The findings can be used to improve training programs and police human resource development.

ABSTRACT Protection, uncommon in peacekeeping before the 1990s, has become the norm. This article takes issue with this normative shift and explores how the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and Protection of Civilians (POC) have normalized peacekeepers’ protection duty in particular ways. Taking a discursive rather than functionalist approach to norms, I develop the concept of productive contestation to emphasize the polysemic, interactive, and relational essence of norms as social processes with unintended and not necessarily positive consequences. Revisiting the narrative around protection norms and analyzing changes in the peacekeeping principles, I argue that the cosmopolitan R2P helped construct peacekeepers as militarized protectors of individual bodies, while its currently prevalent state-centric version remade them into police protectors of order and stability. This article reinterprets how “robust” protection has transformed in peacekeeping, offering a new way to theorize contestation by making visible the political productivity of contested norms.

This research note presents a dataset on budgeted civilian personnel posts in UN peacekeeping operations by mission, unit, rank, and staff category in the 1991–2020 period: the UNCIPPO (UN Civilian Posts in Peacekeeping Operations) Dataset. Civilian staff in UN peacekeeping operations include specialists in political affairs, human rights, gender, child protection, electoral support, security sector reform, strategic communications, and information analysis, among others. Our coding of almost three hundred UN budget documents reveals what kinds of civilian posts member states agree to fund. UNCIPPO data also permit more nuanced analyses of the impact of civilian personnel on mission effectiveness. We illustrate this by re-examining Blair, Di Salvatore, and Smidt's (2023) study of the effect of civilian staff on host country democratization, showing that the observed effect is driven by international staff—countering a surprising negative national staff effect—and that staff in units with democracy-related tasks contribute more significantly to this effect than staff in other units. The dataset opens new avenues for research on peacekeeping operations (for example, on peacekeeping resourcing and effectiveness) and IOs more generally (for instance, on the politics of budgeting, the growth of transnational expertise, and the profiles of international bureaucrats).

Abstract:The United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) in the Middle East, formed in 1948, is the longest-running peacekeeping mission to have been initiated by the United Nations (UN). This article, based on research in Dutch government policy and military documents, in private collections of Dutch former military observers, and in UN archives, examines UNTSO's performance during the first quarter-century of its existence, focusing especially on the role of Dutch personnel. In general, UNTSO often fell short in its performance in the 1950s and 1960s, failing to maintain a neutral position or to project credibility. The value of UNTSO mainly concerned the tactical level, where Dutch peacekeepers could intervene in ceasefire violations before they escalated into full-blown warfare. Throughout the Cold War, UNTSO was restricted to managing a deliberately created impasse. What remained was a bare observer corps that could not serve as an effective tool of international crisis management.