斯里兰卡和马来西亚在多数支配逻辑下因制度韧性不同而产生的族群冲突治理效果差异

ABSTRACT In a context of areas of limited statehood and contested order, Iraq, Lebanon and Syria have been affected by similar diffuse global and more specific regional and local risks over the past two decades. Yet they differ in outcomes. Lebanon has not descended into civil war despite fears that the one raging in Syria might spill over to its territory and Iraq has coped better over the past decade than Syria has – despite having been subject to various forms of conflict since 1980. We analyse this variance by asking to what extent resilience might buffer against violent conflict and governance breakdown. Through a comparative discussion of sources of resilience – social trust, legitimacy and institutional design – we find that limited input and threatened output legitimacy are harmful to resilience, while collective memory and reconciliation, as well as flexibility of institutions are crucial factors of resilience. Nonetheless, our findings caution that resilience should not only mean the capability to adapt to crises but also needs to set the stage for comprehensive and inclusive transformations that are locally rooted.

High-quality institutions -- reflected in such factors as rule of law, bureaucratic quality, freedom from government expropriation, and freedom from government repudiation of contracts -- mitigate the adverse economic effects of ethnic fractionalization identified by Easterly and Levine (1997) and others. Ethnic diversity has a more adverse effect on economic policy and growth when a government's institutions are poor. But poor institutions have an even more adverse effect on growth and policy when ethnic diversity is high. In countries where the institutions are good enough, however, ethnic diversity does not lessen growth or worsen economic policies. Good institutions also reduce the risk of wars and genocides that might otherwise result from ethnic fractionalization. However, these forms of violence are not the channel through which ethnic fragmentation and its interaction with institutions affect economic growth. Ethnically diverse nations that want to endure in peace and prosperity must build good institutions.

… -conflict peacebuilding, this article examines how ethnic divisions have been addressed in recent cases of institution-… to institution-building in the wake of armed ethnic conflict vary in …

… Chief factors suggested on this front have been welfare state institutions and integration policies managing the ethnic relations offsetting this crisis of trust in the face of ethnic diversity (…

Examinations of the effectiveness of diplomacy in conflict resolution generally focus on official political institutions and the roles that they play. This article takes a different tack and focuses on the social institutions and groups that exist in and are affected by a conflict environment. This article argues that conflict resilience— which we define here as the ability to resist and recover from conflict — and its ability to contribute to social cohesion are key dimensions of the ability to manage conflict in the types of conflicts that are prevalent in the world today. We examine several different definitions and examples of conflict resilience, and identify actions that outside actors can take to support resilient institutions and groups, particularly in the areas of supporting effective domestic institutions, promoting inclusion and encouraging good leadership. The ability to prevent or resolve conflict is a bit like gardening – an interaction of many factors, some involving the gardener, others the plant and still others the environment. The gardener needs a few basic implements—perhaps a fork, a spade, and a hose—as well as skill in the planting and tending. However, much also depends on the sun, soil and rain conditions of the general environment surrounding the garden. Complicating matters, the garden exists in a micro-climate—the conditions of the immediate patch of ground differing from the larger environment in consequential ways—which may also determine whether the plants live or die. Other factors include what kind of plant is selected and its basic health, the types of threats from insects and disease, and the remedies available. It adds up to a complex system, some parts of which can be controlled by the gardener and others of which are dependent on factors far out of the gardener’s reach. Conflict prevention and resolution also depend on a complex mixture of attributes of the peacemaker, the conflict, the environment, and factors which lie outside anyone’s ability to predict or control. Most analytical work on conflict prevention and resolution focuses on the direct parties to the conflict. This article will pull the camera back to focus on the larger picture, and particularly on the role that social institutions—the surrounding environment—play in helping to aggravate conflict or to dampen it down. Our concern is with the resilience of those institutions and their ability to foster social cohesion in the face of conflict. We concentrate on the social institutions and groups that exist in any conflict setting but are not the principal actors. The social environment of conflict encompasses an open ended universe of factors and resources composed of societal actors, norms, and institutions that shape social attitudes toward peace and conflict. Understanding the role that this wider society plays presents a number of challenges, not least because ‘wider’ society is a broad concept. They include both official and informal institutions—organized civil society, religion, education, the security sector, legal norms and traditions, identity groups, affinity groups, private enterprise, the media (old and new), women’s groups, and youth groups. Some of these groups and institutions will have a significant impact on conflict; this influence may be constant throughout the conflict or may wax and wane over time. How these institutions and groups interact with political, economic, and demographic stresses and what impact they have on societal stability is an important element in understanding conflict, but one that receives far less attention than the actions of heads of conflict parties and their militaries. These institutions, however, are often critical in setting social attitudes toward these leadership groups and toward the issues that underlie the conflict. This article suggests that resilience—which we define as the ability to resist and recover from conflict — and its ability to contribute to social cohesion are key dimensions of the ability to manage conflict in the present world disorder (Aall and Crocker, 2017). Conflict and social stress A portrait of the current international environment presents a picture of division on nearly all dimensions—political, economic, social, religious and cultural. The past consensus on the main ideas of a global liberal order seems like a © 2019 University of Durham and John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Global Policy (2019) 10:Suppl.2 doi: 10.1111/1758-5899.12681 Global Policy Volume 10 . Issue Supplement 2 . June 2019 68

… conflict management, this research provides a novel perspective on the institutional capacity of … researchers interested in the institutional efficiency of social conflict management. Finally, …

… We suggest that this relationship obtains because of the unique capacity of power-sharing institutions to foster a sense of security among former enemies and encourage conditions …

… State presence and institutional capacity have been elusive … role that the internal conflict and political violence have … of the internal conflict in the evolution of institutional capacity, public …

… The previous discussion accepts the premise, however, that military, bureaucratic/administrative, and political institutional capacity are distinct aspects of state capacity. The following …

This study critically examines the paradoxes embedded in majoritarian democracy in Nigeria’s multi-ethnic polity, focusing on how majority rule centralizes power and marginalizes minority groups, exacerbating ethno-political divisions. Anchored in Nigeria’s federal structure and electoral processes, the study scrutinizes political exclusion, exploring how majoritarianism entrenches state capture and accelerates fragmentation. Employing consociationalism and deliberative democracy frameworks, this research interrogates key questions: How effectively does Nigeria’s democratic model navigate ethnic landscape? What institutional recalibrations are necessary to ameliorate legitimacy deficits and deepen social cohesion? How is social solidarity mobilized or manipulated in Nigeria’s political framework, and how does it shape governance and minority-majority relations? Through a mixed method approach, this study demonstrates that Nigeria’s democratic configuration inadequately addresses its ethnic heterogeneity, perpetuating a crisis of governance and social polarization. Social solidarity’s dual role is highlighted: while dominant groups exploit it to reinforce exclusionary politics, grassroots movements leverage it to challenge power asymmetries, albeit with limited impact due to repression and institutional barriers. Strengthening inclusive governance, constitutional reforms, and electoral restructuring are critical for mitigating exclusion and fostering resilience. Institutional innovations, including minority protections, are essential to bridge political and ethnic divides. This research contributes to comparative politics and democratic theory by proposing actionable pathways for enhancing democratic resilience in pluralistic states.

… The alternative to majoritarian democracy is consociational democracy. Its four principal characteristics stand in sharp contrast with majoritarian principles: (1) the grand coalition …

Despite India's status as the world's largest democracy and increasing turnouts in many of the countries of South Asia, recent elections raise concerns about the threat to democracy in the form of majoritarianism. Many of the countries of South Asia are extremely diverse and (mainly) informal mechanisms of accommodation of minorities have been deployed. At the same time concerns about the threat to minority rights in India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka have been strongly articulated. It is notable that those countries of South Asia, such as Sri Lanka and Pakistan, which have not accommodated their non-dominant groups, have witnessed high levels of conflict. India has been more accommodative, of both linguistic and religious minorities. However, it is precisely this process of accommodation that many in India now worry will be undermined by Hindu majoritarianism.

This is the last of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as provides qualitative discussions of democracy in the five country case studies used: Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. It deals with the theoretical debate underlying the debate over majoritarian or power-sharing governments in divided societies. The ethos and defining institutional characteristics of five democratic types that have, at some stage, been advocated for use in the new democracies of southern Africa are outlined: three majoritarian (unadulterated, qualified, and integrative) and two power-sharing (consociational, and consensual (integrative)). The five main sections of the chapter are: Majoritarian Democracy (unadulterated and qualified; integrative); Power-Sharing Democracy (consociationalism; integrative consensual power-sharing); The Relevance of Presidentialism; Applying the Types to Fledgling Democracies in Southern Africa; and Prescriptions for Southern Africa.

In societies severely divided by ethnicity, race, religion, language, or any other form of ascriptive affiliation, ethnic divisions make democracy difficult, because they tend to produce ethnic parties and ethnic voting. Two commonly proposed methods of amelioration are called consociational and centripetal . Three problems derive from these proposals: The first concerns the adoptability of either of the two principal prescriptions. Under what conditions can either be adopted? The second relates to a possibility inherent in centripetal regimes: the potential degradation of the electoral arrangements that sustain the interethnic coalition. The third derives from a common consequence of the adoption of a consociational regime: Where robust guarantees, including minority vetoes, are adopted, immobilism is a strong possibility, and it may be very difficult to overcome the stasis that immobilism can produce. By examining these three problems, we can uncover some of the frailties inherent in both of the common prescriptions.

ABSTRACT Ethnic majorities often resist sharing power with ethnic minorities. However, my comparative analysis, using primary evidence, demonstrates that ethnic majoritarian states (e.g., Pakistan) are most likely to share power when divisions within the dominant ethnic group arise and manifest as (1) intra-ethnic civil–military institutional tensions, (2) intra-ethnically driven and cross-party supported social movements and (3) cross-ethnic, multi-party consensus. These conditions form a contingently operationalised causal mechanism that can lead to reforms empowering (minority) ethnic groups within their territorial regions for shared governance. I further test this argument via Sri Lanka, where the absence of this mechanism also fails constitutional power sharing.

… and ethnic cleansing tend to occur, or at least be legitimized, within a majoritarian democracy … This article broadens Mann's approach in two directions: first, it confirms that majoritarian …

This article engages critically with Modood and Sealy’s typology of the governance of religious diversity. While welcoming their redefinition of secularism(s) as a means of governing religious diversity, we argue that it is also important to differentiate types of majoritarian nationalism. Focusing on the way that non-core groups are treated, we develop a fourfold typology of religious majoritarianism: hierarchical, assimilationist, dominant, and eliminationist. Focusing on the examples of India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, we argue that majoritarian nationalism is not monolithic but contextually differentiated, shaped by institutional legacies, political strategies, and socio-religious hierarchies. Our analysis contributes to broader debates on nationalism and ethnic politics by mapping the dynamic interplay between state-led nationalism, religious identity, and the governance of diversity. We call for greater attention to the lived costs of majoritarianism and the contextual limits of multicultural remedies in the absence of broader structural and geopolitical changes.

… of liberal politics that may repress group-based ethnic politics. Majoritarian politics is more classically liberal because legitimacy is largely individual based. Political practice closely …

… entanglement between majoritarianism, law, and authoritarianism in contemporary democratic decline. Majoritarianism is a political project that constructs majorities along racial, ethnic, …

… any political representation at all or whose political ethnic party is small. When the ethnic political … That is, large ethnic parties will be more satisfied under majoritarian rules and smaller …

… at containing ethnic conflict than are majoritarian or plurality systems.Footnote 28 Others, however, question the wisdom of adopting PR systems to “remedy” the ethnic politics. George …

… Thus, even where parliamentary forms of government are combined with a majoritarian electoral system for the legislature and disciplined parties, they still create a positive-sum game—…

The majoritarian conception of democracy implies that counter-majoritarian institutions such as federalism—and even representative institutions—are derogations from democracy. The majoritarian conception is mistaken for two reasons. First, it is incoherent: majoritarianism ultimately stands against one of democracy’s core normative commitments—namely, political equality. Second, majoritarianism is premised on a mistaken view of power, which fails to account for the power of numbers and thereby fails to explain the inequality faced by members of persistent minorities. Although strict majority rule serves the democratic values of political agency and equality as interpreted by a set of formal conditions, an adequate conception of power shows why in real-world conditions formal-procedural inequalities, instantiated by counter-majoritarian institutions such as federalism, are sometimes required to serve democratic equality.

… the characteristics of majoritarian democracy and those of non-majoritarian democracy—… of nonmajoritarian democracy. To begin with, nine characteristics of majoritarian democracy …

… by Ian Lustick entitled ‘Stability in deeply divided societies: Consociationalism versus control… of how political stability was maintained in deeply divided societies to democratic or open …

… The institutional effects of different types of electoral systems in postconflict divided societies … We begin our test of the effects of political power sharing on regime stability with a survival …

… is necessary for political stability in divided societies; we can also identify certain contemporary examples of newer democracies in plural societies with majoritarian arrangements, …

… This proportionality claim, however, is disputed by Benjamin Reilly, whose examination of nine stable democracies in divided societies finds that only four use PR, and further suggests …

… social contracts for sociability among divided communities or between territorial governments. … Integrationists charge that power sharing will increase instability, reinforce divisions, and …

This article identifies a central problem in the theory and practice of democracy in divided societies: the systematic exclusion of Others. Defining the exclusion-amid-inclusion (EAI) dilemma of consociational power-sharing, whereby in including the main groups to the conflict it works to exclude those beyond these groups, the article offers the first systematic conceptualization of this issue. The article outlines the type of individuals and groups affected by the EAI dilemma, the varying strategies they adopt to navigate power-sharing frameworks and the potential routes out of this normative and empirical puzzle. Finally, it lays out a challenge for scholars to build on this conceptualization and address the EAI dilemma in future research.

Introduction Chapter One, Locating the Discussion Chapter Two, Division, Democracy and Deliberation Chapter Three, Deliberating National Identities Chapter Four, The Requirement of Reciprocity Chapter Five, The Requirement of Publicity Chapter Six, Dilemmas of Exclusion Chapter Seven, Civil Society and Political Institutions.

This paper examines the consociational approach to the study of deeply divided societies and notes its weaknesses. It argues that the absence of a well-developed alternative “control” approach to the explanation of stability in deeply divided societies has resulted in the empirical overextension of consociational models. Control models, focusing on how superordinate groups manipulate subordinate groups rather than on the emergence and functioning of elite cartels, need to be developed—not only for the study of stable, deeply divided societies in which consociational models are inappropriate, but also as a means of eliminating certain theoretical problems that have been raised as criticisms of consociationalism. The paper includes a critical review of the literature that is available to guide study of control in deeply divided societies, and concludes with recommendations for the shape of an analytical framework within systematic comparison.

… institutions in societies divided along cultural lines and, like power sharing and centripetalism, … Thus, designers of stable one-dimensional power sharing typically try to design an initial …

Power-sharing arrangements have become one of the most valuable alternatives in solving political and ethnic-related conflicts in recent decades. This is mainly due to the inclusion of contesting groups in political governance, thus helping society avoid violence caused by harsh power struggles. Despite the conflict management potential, many power-sharing arrangements in heterogeneous and deeply divided societies fail to mature and transform into permanent institution. This article applies a systematic review of the literature on political institutionalism to establish the fundamentals for power-sharing institutionalisation. Its analysis reveals that power-sharing institutionalisation relies on multiple factors, including but not limited to political will, effective institutions, socio-cultural support, and support from the international community. The article contributes to existing research on political institutionalism by proposing the parameters for examining power-sharing institutionalisation across societies.

Analyses of consociationalism and corporatism are based, more often than not, on descriptive case studies. These concepts are considered to explain the stability of the political systems…

It is a pleasure to comment on such an instructive and gloomy paper.1 Its\ninstructiveness was particularly pleasurable, because it helped me see in a completely new\nlight whatever I knew about the subject, not, as it happens, by virtue of any expertise I might\npossess in political theory, but rather by virtue of having lived for most of my life in what\ncan plausibly be characterized (see below) as a severely divided society: Belgium. Less\npredictably, the paper's gloominess too was a source of pleasure as I prepared this comment,\nnot at all because I enjoy learning that things go wrong, let alone understanding that they are\nbound to go wrong, but – quite the contrary – because the little I knew and understood about\nthe subject implied, I thought, that I had some good news for the author. For his paper's\ncentral message I understood as follows: while we can get a pretty definite image of the\ncoherent constitutional package needed by a severely divided multiethnic society, there are\ndeep-seated reasons that such societies will adopt instead incoherent hybrids, which will do\nthem no good. The good news will take the form of an argument to the effect that this grim\nmessage needs to be drastically qualified. Unsurprisingly (coming from a philosopher), it will\nrest on two small exercises in conceptual clarification, the crucial relevance of which will be\nillustrated by my reading of Belgium's constitutional development and debate.

… Again, the difference is attributable to the conflict management systems … differences between Malaysia and Sri Lanka have produced a different balance of incentives. These differences …

… The crucial difference between Malaysia and Sri Lanka is that there has been no similar ‘agreement’ or ‘compact’ between the Sinhalese and Tamils since the mid-1950s; indeed since …

… racism experienced within Malaysia and Sri Lanka, and compare this with the experience of … , the formal institutions of government within Malaysia and Sri Lanka, influenced as they are …

… Compared to Sri Lanka, despite the Malaysian government’s far more aggressive ethnocentric actions and the direct impact they had on ethnic disparities, Malaysia did not fall into a …

Economic development, elite cooperation, and a lack of ethnic hostility are necessary for the advancement of women in developing countries. Clearly, the structure of government institutions has determinative power in mediating conflict, along with allowing women and ethnic groups the opportunities and benefits for political participation. Consociational democracies are excellent examples of institutions moderating ethnic tensions through accommodation and power-sharing. I address whether consociational democracy provides an environment conducive to women's political participation in developing countries. The paper examines the history and current status of women in Sri Lanka and Malaysia and notes that women in Malaysia, which uses consociational democracy, fare much better than women in Sri Lanka. The result is particularly compelling because Sri Lanka was believed to have a superior environment for development at the time of its independence than Malaysia. Differing governmental structures are believed to explain the relative success of women in Malaysia and their current difficulties in Sri Lanka.

Abstract This research focuses on the issue of state-minority contestations involving transforming and reconstituting each other in post-independent Sri Lanka. This study uses a qualitative research method that involves critical categories of analysis. Migdal’s theory of state-in-society was applied because it provides an effective conceptual framework to analyse and explain the data. The results indicate that the unitary state structure and discriminatory policies contributed to the formation of a minority militant social force (the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam – The LTTE) which fought with the state to form a separate state. The several factors that backed to the defeat of the LTTE in 2009 by the military of the state. This defeat has appreciably weakened the Tamil minority. This study also reveals that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society in Sri Lanka still prevail, hampering the promulgation of inclusive policies. This study concludes that inclusive policies are imperative to end state minority contestations in Sri Lanka.

Abstract Regional politics play a decisive role in national politics when region poses ethnic groups in competing manner. Sri Lanka’s Eastern province has been a contested region in terms of ethnic and territorial integration as well as the integration of majority and minorities from the independence of the country, during civil war, and in the post-civil war era. This study explores the ethnic groups’ competition for political control and autonomy, as well as its impact in Eastern Sri Lanka. This study has employed both qualitative and quantitative data, collected mainly through secondary sources such as literary books, book chapters, journal articles, newspaper cuttings, and government documents, which are analyzed and presented through interpretive and descriptive manners. The study has found that the Eastern province has been a contested choice for the ethnic majority to extend their ethnic domination, and to implement ethno-centric development-cum settlement policies and programs, all of which are ultimately induced to change the ethnic composition of the region and pushed ethnic minorities to mobilize and demand for more decentralized power and autonomy in the region. The thirty-year prolonged civil war made the region not only a war-torn, but also let to undermining regional democratic principles, including minorities’ rights for autonomy. The study also reveals that the new emerging post-war political context at the provincial and national levels continues to undermine the minorities’ hopes for autonomy in the region. Nevertheless, the region has emerged as ‘role-model’ for ethnic cohesive politics.

In several post-colonial countries, nation building has been regarded as one of the most important tasks since World War II. Globally, all aim to achieve unity and harmony among ethnic groups. This effort is not an easy task because of the characteristics of a third world country itself is colored by ethnic diversity. In some countries, the government's efforts to unite the nation face failure due to ethnic and religious conflicts. This study tries to explore how Malaysia and Nigeria manage their ethnic conflicts in term of policy making and also in their respective constitution. Both countries are colonized by Britain and at the same time, hoping for unity for their citizens but the problem they are facing is on how to manage conflicts in order to achieve nation building. Therefore, constitution and policy making must be respected, adhered, and met their citizen needs. Data collection method used in this paper is based on secondary sources from both countries.

… that induce the formation, enforcement, and adaptation of socially productive policy or policy… of electoral competition and ethnic exclusion. We discuss how ethnic mobilization can be …

… potential of culturally influenced cognitive architectures in adapting to institutional dynamics. … This conditionality created systemic ethnic exclusions. For instance, an Asian man could not …

… formed within the context of formal political exclusion. Our paper consists of the … adaptation’ to the participation patterns of the majority, political apathy, or the emergence of an ethnically …

… to permit exclusion of any topic that attaches an "ethnic" label to itself, however tenuously. … of ethnicity as part of adaptation. Repeatedly, the ethnic phenomena described are said to be …

… “imperialistic” Western cultural-institutional systems. Young further argued that only when we understand “the process through which cultural exclusion and manipulation of identity of …

… political stability through institutional … that political stability is conditional (a) on the capacity of the postcolonial state to innovate new institutions and (b) on the ability of its new political …

For managing and settling ethnic conflicts, power-sharing arrangements often seem an appropriate solution. The former antagonists are forced to work together and make decisions by consensus; the ultimate goal is to turn opponents into partners. Obviously, this concept can only be successful under specific conditions and by specific arrangements. Based on a comparative analysis of six cases of power-sharing, the article aims (1) to identify favourable conditions as well as (2) to evaluate the quality of regulations. For successful conflict regulation, both aspects have to be taken into account: if the most favourable conditions are missing or will not be attained over time, then the `best' power-sharing constitution will fail. If, in turn, `bad' or insufficient rules and procedures prevail, then even the presence of comparatively beneficial factors will probably not avoid failure. Success will be understood as achievement and sustainability of a particular solution. The article is subdivided into four sections. First, the concept of power-sharing (or consociationalism) will be mapped out. Second, successful and failed European cases of power-sharing will be briefly presented. Third, by comparing these cases, the relevance of a set of conditions - usually assumed to be favourable for success - will be examined. Fourth, the quality of the institutional design of power-sharing regimes will be evaluated in order to distinguish `better' regulations from more problematic or even counterproductive ones. In concluding, the author points to the crucial role of political elites in sustaining shared rule, but stresses at the same time that in most cases their behaviour is shaped by the institutional arrangements themselves. These have to be designed in a way that supports and fosters learning processes among decisionmakers.

… the way that political elites make use of ethnicity to advance their … Thus far we have focused on intrastate ethnic conflicts, in … In fact, most of Africa’s ethnic conflicts began as reasonable …

… Consociational approaches rely on elite … regulation of conflict in a multiethnic society occurs when the predominant pattern of intergroup dispute resolution is based on bargaining …

This article uses historical institutionalist theory to assess the impact of the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 – often seen as the first step towards gradualist change in the role of the state in Northern Ireland. It uses new data to show how the elites who initiated the process conceived of it and to identify the mechanisms producing change. The study shows that the mechanisms of institutional change identified in comparative studies of industrial policy and welfare state development are also to be found in processes of intergovernmental ethnic conflict regulation. In turn, it highlights a mechanism of institutional change – ‘wedging’ – not discussed in the literature.

October 01 1996 Containing Fear: The Origins and Management of Ethnic Conflict David A. Lake, David A. Lake David A. Lake is Professor of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego, and Research Director for International Relations at the Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Donald Rothchild Donald Rothchild David A. Lake is Professor of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego, and Research Director for International Relations at the Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information David A. Lake David A. Lake is Professor of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego, and Research Director for International Relations at the Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation. Donald Rothchild David A. Lake is Professor of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego, and Research Director for International Relations at the Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation. Online ISSN: 1531-4804 Print ISSN: 0162-2889 © 1996 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.1996 International Security (1996) 21 (2): 41–75. https://doi.org/10.1162/isec.21.2.41 Cite Icon Cite Permissions Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Search Site Citation David A. Lake, Donald Rothchild; Containing Fear: The Origins and Management of Ethnic Conflict. International Security 1996; 21 (2): 41–75. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/isec.21.2.41 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAll JournalsInternational Security Search Advanced Search This content is only available as a PDF. © 1996 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.1996 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

… of the dynamics of conflict and conflict-regulation, we begin by … of the significant literatures on ethnic conflict, regionalism and … Inter-ethnic issues or regional diversity in elite bargaining …

… , such as negotiation or mediation efforts, which aim to end a conflict, … In ethnic conflicts, these structures and the embedded … by elite competition and changing majorities, the second by …

… , on political mobilisation by minority elites, on unequal relations … negotiated upon by party leaders. The common interests of the … This form of conflict resolution corresponds to the much-…

This article seeks to conceptualize political pacts as a transitional strategy that has been employed by a number of countries seeking to move toward democratic regimes or outcomes. Political pacts, which are formed in an effort to manage large-scale and often violent societal conflict, have certain common characteristics, among them the key role played by elites in negotiating and designing these agreements. After examining the concept of political pacts, the defining characteristics of pacts, and the relation they bear to societal conflict, we focus on the latter factor, differentiating between cases of domestic societal conflict that have an identity/personalistic dimension to them and those that do not. In particular, we seek to determine the types of factors that may facilitate or complicate the successful use of pacts as a transitional strategy for creating and maintaining democratic regimes.

One of the most challenging developments for students of international relations is the resurgence of ethnic strife. While it may be true that there have been few recent interstate wars, it would be incorrect to assume that ethnic turmoil will remain an isolated domestic problem. Recent interventions by individual states, either in support of, or opposition to, ethnic challenges, raise important questions about the validity of conventional perspectives on interstate conflict: Why do some states intervene in ethnic strife while others do not? Why do some third-party states rely on violence to support ethnic conflicts while others support norms of peaceful mediation? This investigation uses Putnam's two-level game to examine the impact of ethnicity on third-party intervention. Evidence from the Balkans war and Indo-Sri Lankan conflict show how heads of state must coordinate actions at two bargaining “tables,” which correspond to domestic politics and international negotiation. By monitoring strategies and tactics at each, it becomes possible to understand superficially puzzling developments. More specifically, initiatives in one domain may be a function of constraints or opportunities imposed by the other. These insights appear as propositions related to commitment, autonomy, domestic costs and manipulation of perceptions

… between deadlocked war and permanent negotiation: Cyprus… objects of inter-ethnic negotiations about their political futures… elites in the affected states to behave in chauvinistic and …

… power in conjunction with an able and present regime: Cartels exist when elites and regimes are engaged in an ongoing negotiation for power. In these cases, different subnational …

… And it was not long before an astute reform elite correctly calculated that a coalition of … a civil war, and recognising the peril for both their peoples, English and French elites negotiated …

… institutional resilience. Ritual occasions highlight and often magnify contributions to the collective good, and they also, crucially, reinforce a narrative about the value of the collectivity …

… only on the historical linkages and institutional resilience.Two features are particularly note… in the ethnic minority regions (Xinjiang and Tibet in particular), growing institutional decay at …

In developing countries where access to and use of renewable natural resources essential to rural livelihoods are highly contested, improving cooperation in their management is increasingly seen as an important element in strategies for peacebuilding, conflict prevention, and longer-term social-ecological resilience. While researchers have made important advances in recent years in assessing the role of environmental resources as a causal factor in civil conflict, analysis of the positive potential of collective natural resource management efforts to reduce broader conflict is less developed. In particular, there is a need for analytical tools that not only describe stakeholder interactions and outcomes but also yield practical guidance on what development practitioners and policy makers can do to promote such goals. Addressing this need, we present a framework focused on the links between collective action, conflict prevention, and social-ecological resilience. Building on the institutional analysis and development (IAD) model, and incorporating principles from the sustainable livelihoods approach and resilience theory, the framework is applicable across multiple scales of analysis, linking local stakeholder dynamics to the broader institutional and governance context. Accounting for both formal and informal relationships of power and influence, as well as values and stakeholder perceptions alongside material interests, the framework aims to provide insight into the problem of (re)building legitimacy of resource management institutions in conflict-sensitive environments. We present the elements of the framework and outline its application in stakeholder-based problem assessment and planning, participatory monitoring and evaluation, and multi-case comparative analysis.

… of institutional structure and of institutional priorities … institutions a potential conflict between the “spontaneous sociality” of social agents—which can happen along departmental, ethnic …

… assessments that would include social and institutional functioning and fit with cultural and … in which contests typically surround national, cultural, or ethnic identity. These infuse events …

… resilience to be assessed over an extended period of time. Our understanding of institutional resilience … Yet the most resilient institutions tend to be those associated with statist coercive …

… of crisis relates to institutional resilience. We argue that institutional resilience can be … a co-constitutive dynamic of crisis and institutional adaptation, brought together through the (…

… institutional work. In highlighting the mediating role of social capital in the process whereby institutional work influences institutional resilience… literature on institutional resilience in EOEs…

… the institutional design of 21 peace-brokering IOs, organizations endowed with standing capabilities for conflict management … capacity than other IOs, and the average level of diplomatic …

… process of conflict management may not fit the prescription of institutional theory along its … capacity in dealing with conflicts. They also consistently develop and implement new ideas in …

This paper examines land governance in the Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor in Rukwa and Katavi regions in Tanzania. The four districts involved include Sumbawanga, Kalambo, Nkasi and Mpanda. Land governance and the management of related conflicts were assessed in views of the roles of local government and the challenges posed by policy and legal frameworks. Using a sample size of 270 smallholder farmers, a household survey was used to collect quantitative data, while qualitative data were collected from 74 Focus Group Discussions’ participants. The results confirmed the ‘legal dualism’ that embraces colonial policy and laws on land issues at local level despite the land reforms that have had taken place in Tanzania. In addition, land conflict was a common phenomenon. The results also show that the efforts of local governments, and other stakeholders, to manage land conflicts were hampered by serious challenges. The challenges include incapacitation of the local government with regard to legal issues, lack of education and unawareness of the policies and legal framework on the part of the citizenry. These resulted into ineffective implementation of informal and formal arrangements governing land issues. Ineffective land governance, in turn, stem from inadequate capacity to resolve land conflicts. This justifies poor land governance. To that effect, concerted efforts are needed to correct the situation.

Civil conflict and state failure has often been linked to breakdowns in regime legitimacy. Trust in government is a critical element of regime legitimacy and the state’s ability to mediate between the demands of competing groups within society. We contend that government capability is a primary factor in shaping individuals’ ascription of legitimacy to the state. Capable governments foster perceptions of legitimacy while poor institutional performance decreases the degree to which individuals trust their government. While some tests of this relationship exist in extant literature, much of the work fails to integrate both micro- and macro-level factors, is confined to regions with established state performance, or is based on single-country studies. Our approach avoids many of these deficiencies by using 32 Afrobarometer surveys collected across 16 different countries from 2000 to 2005 and employing hierarchical linear models to estimate the effects of temporal-specific, state-level variables on levels of individual trust. We find that higher institutional capacity is associated with increased levels of individual trust in government across African countries. Furthermore, we demonstrate that this effect on political trust is independent of other individual-level attitudes, socio-economic characteristics, and a state’s prior internal conflicts.

… management, governance capacity, and governance legitimacy. Second, we explore the relevance of an organization-based institutional approach to crisis management in … conflicts and …

… something unique about conflict and disputing in higher education institutions (HEIs)… capacity, thousands of people in the USG have been trained in some aspect of conflict management …

The cost of conflict avoidance and mismanagement can be detrimental to organizational environments. Thus, the need for individuals capable of managing conflict effectively is a vital and necessary leadership skillset, specifically within higher education. The purpose of this study was to examine if participation in the LEAD21 leadership development program, a national leadership program for faculty emerging as leaders in the land-grant university system, changed participant levels of conflict management capacity. The longitudinal analysis included comparisons across members of four classes in the LEAD21 program, as well as the aggregated data from all four years. Results indicated the overall level of conflict management capacity rose by an average of 15.1%. Agricultural leadership educators can use the results to inform leadership education initiatives while also using the presented Conflict Management Scale to measure such initiatives. Study expansions, implications, and recommendations are discussed.

… fact that their political and military/security institutions are controlled by members of a minority group in ways that marginalize the majority, but also that they portray majoritarianism as an …

… power-sharing was not "out of step with constitutional theory relating to the maintenance of democracy in divided societies,… as it added legitimacy and stability to the political process and …

… In such societies, the elites will always engage in competition for power but if political instability is to be avoided or minimized, they must be prepared to make “deliberate efforts to …

Although both Sri Lanka and Malaysia have experienced a parliamentary democracy introduced by the British colonial ruler, there are disparities in terms of the representation of women in parliament. Democracy assures women’s roles in politics, as well as their rights to represent in government apparatus, including parliament. However, the majority of democratic countries in the Global West have succeeded, while the majority of those in the Global South have failed in this regard. This particular research comparatively analyzes women’s representation in parliament—the higher legislative and decision-making body—in Sri Lanka and Malaysia, both have strictly been following a democratic path in governance from their independence. The findings of the study reveal that the country-based different contextual factors have influenced women’s roles in active politics, and their position in parliament representing the public as equally as that of men. This study is descriptive and interpretive in nature, and only secondary data were applied for the analyses of the nature of women’s representation in parliament in both countries. DOI: 10.5901/ajis.2016.v5n1p111

… Singapore and Malaysia together as reform leaders where Sri Lanka and Bangladesh … Ethnic diversity has not become a critical issue in either of these countries compared to Sri Lanka …

… south coasts of Sri Lanka, predominantly ethnic Tamil areas. … a ceasefire with the Government of Sri Lanka. If the tsunami … pay a local doctor or transfer to Malaysia where there was a …

… compared to most developing countries but its per capita income is much lower than its regional competitors such as Malaysia … social system was characterized by ethnic, class, social, …

… By focusing on Hispanic farmers and farmworkers, in this article I examine how ethnicity and … farmers to adapt to and thrive in this semiarid environment. Institutional adaptations, such as …

This study investigates how Nishi‐Kawaguchi Chinatown, a Chinese ethnic enclave in suburban Tokyo, functions as a ‘socioeconomic emergency elevator’ for Chinese migrants. The enclave serves a dual purpose: offering refuge from social exclusion and facilitating upward socioeconomic mobility. This study extends the understanding of ethnoburbs beyond Western contexts by analysing this suburban ethnic formation. Based on six in‐depth interviews with Chinese residents and business owners and analysis of secondary sources such as census data and municipal reports, this study explores the formation of Nishi‐Kawaguchi Chinatown and its embedded ethnic business networks. The research revealed how Chinese migrants create economic niches and community spaces while facing institutional barriers in Japanese society. These patterns challenge classical and spatial assimilation theories and support a more nuanced understanding of immigrant adaptation in East Asian urban peripheries. By conceptualising the enclave as a ‘socioeconomic emergency elevator’, this study bridges two seemingly opposing perspectives on ethnic enclaves—as places of exclusion and as springboards for opportunity—and proposes a flexible, dynamic model of immigrant adaptation. The results offer theoretical and practical insights into urban studies, migration research and multicultural policies in diverse societies.

Grounded in a culturally and psychologically informed perspective on educational equity, this study examines how teachers’ cultural congruence is associated with ethnic minority university students’ adaptation to campus life and explores the psychological processes underlying this relationship. Drawing on attachment theory, social comparison theory, and ethnic socialization theory, we developed a structural equation model in which students’ sense of belonging was specified as the central psychological mediator, while teachers’ and students’ ethnic identities were examined as contextual moderators. Using survey data from 180 undergraduates enrolled in three ethnic and normal universities in western China, structural equation modeling indicated that perceived teacher cultural congruence was strongly and positively associated with students’ school adaptation (total effect β = 0.66, p < 0.001). Further analyses showed that students’ sense of belonging significantly mediated this association (indirect effect β = 0.42, 95% CI [0.32, 0.53]), suggesting that a substantial portion of the association between cultural congruence and school adaptation operates through students’ emotional connection to the school environment. Moderation analyses revealed that teachers’ ethnic identity strengthened the association between cultural congruence and students’ sense of belonging (β = 0.19, p < 0.01), while students’ ethnic identity amplified the association between belonging and school adaptation (β = 0.21, p < 0.05), indicating a context-dependent in-group cultural resonance effect. The overall model demonstrated good fit to the data (CFI = 0.958, TLI = 0.943, RMSEA = 0.041), and all latent constructs showed satisfactory reliability and validity. Taken together, the findings suggest that teachers’ cultural congruence supports minority students’ school adaptation primarily by fostering a sense of belonging within everyday teacher–student interactions. These results highlight that educational equity is not achieved solely through institutional arrangements, but is actively constructed through culturally attuned relationships and psychological connection in the classroom context.

Drawing on Spolsky’s (2004) language policy framework and Kim’s (2001) theory of cross-cultural adaptation, this study explores how ethnic Chinese students from Southeast Asia experience linguistic preparedness, intercultural challenges, and identity negotiation at a university in China. A qualitative case study approach was used with semi-structured interviews of three students from Malaysia, Indonesia, and Thailand. Findings show that home-country Chinese education policies shape proficiency, confidence, and identity before arrival. Xie, from Malaysia’s structured system, arrived with high fluency but faced discipline-specific terminology gaps. Ada, from Indonesia’s restrictive setting, displayed fragmented preparation, multilingual coping, and double exclusion. Wong, from Thailand’s peripheral system, had basic proficiency, relied on English and international peers, and withdrew when over-accommodation heightened discomfort. Across cases, identity negotiation was uneven and influenced by policy legacies, gaps between everyday and academic competence, and institutional conditions such as limited transport, scarce counseling, and reduced cultural programs. These results extend Spolsky’s and Kim’s frameworks by showing how national policies travel across borders to produce multiple adaptation pathways. They also indicate that discipline-specific bridging courses, stronger infrastructure and mental-health support, and expanded intercultural opportunities can transform identity negotiation into deeper engagement and enhance the inclusiveness of Chinese higher education.

This study explores the adjustment of South Asian international students in South Korea using social identity and self-determination theories. Survey data from 267 students (2024–2025) were analyzed with STATA 19.5 to examine how pre-arrival cultural familiarity, perceived ethnic discrimination, and post-arrival cultural experiences affect daily life and academic adjustment. The findings indicate that cultural familiarity positively predicts daily life and, to a lesser extent, academic adjustment. While perceived discrimination has no direct effect, post-arrival experiences, such as positive interactions with locals, social engagement, and favorable perceptions of work and education culture, significantly buffer its negative effects. Notably, perceptions of technological advancement exacerbate the adverse impact of discrimination on academic adjustment. Overall, the results emphasize the critical role of social connectedness and supportive institutional environments in fostering resilience and promoting the well-being of South Asian students adapting to South Korean higher education.  

In this article I explore the dimensionality of the long-term experiences of the main ethnic minority groups (their adaptation) in Britain. Using recent British data, I apply factor analysis to uncover the underlying number of factors behind variables deemed to be representative of the adaptation experience within the literature. I then attempt to assess the groupings of adaptation present in the data, to see whether a typology of adaptation exists (i.e. whether adaptation in different dimensions can be concomitant with others). The analyses provide an empirical evidence base to reflect on: (1) the extent of group differences in the adaptation process, which may cut across ethnic and generational lines; and (2) whether the uncovered dimensions of adaptation match existing theoretical views and empirical evidence. Results suggest that adaptation should be regarded as a multi-dimensional phenomenon where clear typologies of adaptation based on specific trade-offs (mostly cultural) appear to exist.

… prescribing adaptation. It explores how restrictive social environments can limit adaptation … level, particularly for the marginalised and socially excluded. The findings suggest a need for …

… wherein participatory approaches in climate change adaptation (CCA) policies contribute to … , the study adds insights into the barriers to exclusion that embed power relations all the way …

Abstract The article provides theoretical considerations supported by empirical results of own research on the socio-cultural determinants of mobbing/bullying at workplaces, carried out on samples of adults working in different organizations in Poland (2007/8: N = 465; 2010: N = 260). Referring to the selected elements of Berger and Luckman’s theory of social construction of reality (1966) as well as certain socio-organizational phenomena such as mobbing, organizational climate, and organizational culture, the author proposes a hypothesis that mobbing can be seen as a kind of socio-organizational sanction applied to culturally different and poorly-socialized employees. The results of own research show that mobbing behaviours are mostly experienced by non-conformist employees who do not support the objectives and organizational procedures and negatively evaluate various factors of organizational climate. Nevertheless, numerous research results [Durniat K., 2009, 2011, Grzesiuk L., 2008, Hoel H., Zapf D., Cooper CL, 2002, Høgh A., and Dofradottir EG, 2002, Einarsen S., Mikkelsen EG , 2003] clearly show that the incidence of mobbing entails a number of negative consequences for both individuals and entire organizations. The presented course of consideration is a voice in the scientific discussion which has a direct impact on practical management - about bullying/mobbing at work as a particular threat to multicultural organizations and a challenge for their managers.

… adaptation in US schools. The central questions of this review are: How is ethnic identity related to the adaptation … they go to school affect the adaptations of Mexican American youths? …

… States began their first interest in ethnic and racial diversity with some assumptions that it would be possible to demonstrate group differences in social adaptation related to concepts of …

… The present study focuses on the ethnic density of the community as a key indicator of the … adaptation, as well as how it interacts with acculturation to relate to adaptation. The concept of …

… , exclusion and adaptation, that … of exclusion and adaptation intensifies and expedites the escalation of class inequality. The results show that adaptation is more effective than exclusion …

… scholarly knowledge of political stability by examining the survival of political institutions in a broad array of settings. We identify which constellations of political institutions (autocratic, …

… and stability of democracy and how the system forestalls ‘regime breakdowns’ in the event of a major political … the three countries that are often considered the most politically stable …

… the major breakdown cases suggests that the crisis of European political institutions between … to further explore the role of political culture in the linkage between political institutions and …

I   and in Former Yugoslavia the collapse of the socialist empires has caused more hot conflicts and wars than in any other transition region. In each region there were four major armed conflicts. In the Caucasus, there was the disagreement between Armenians and Azeris over Nagorno-Karabakh (1988–93: no political settlement); the wars about Chechnya (1994–96 and 1999–today: no settlement); the internal war in Georgia (1991–92) and Georgia’s war with breakaway Abkhazia (1992–93: no settlement); and breakaway South-Ossetia (1989–92: no settlement). In Yugoslavia, the four major violent conflicts were the short campaign of the Yugoslav Army against the breakaway republic of Slovenia in June 1991; the wars between Croats and Serbs in eastern Slovenia and in the Krajina (1991–95); the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1992–95); and the war about Kosovo, which was fought on the one hand between Serbs and Kosovo-Albanians in Kosovo, and on the other hand between NATO and Serbia (1998–99). Both the Caucasus and Former Yugoslavia are typical high-risk regions. At least four factors commonly held responsible for increasing the risk of violence are present.1 First, there is the legacy of the socialist system of ethno-federalism (Brubaker 1994; Bunce 1999). Socialist ethno-federalism had linked territories with a titular nation and provided these territories with quasi-state institutions, such as citizenship, borders, symbols, political institutions, and in the case of Yugoslavia, armed forces. Ethno-national mobilisation for independence was thus prepared by the socialist systems. Secondly, in most cases there was also a past history of grievance and conflicts. Armenians and Azerbaijanis, Chechens and Russians, Serbs and Kosovars, Croats and Serbs all have stories and experiences of old animosity. Thirdly, the peoples of Yugoslavia and the USSR experienced economic hardships during the 1980s. Lastly, all polities in Yugoslavia and in the Caucasus (that is, the former Federal Republics and the former

… American democratic stability and its breakdown in the Civil … of antebellum American political stability and its breakdown. To … accounts for relative democratic stability in the United States …

We study theoretically and empirically whether natural resource windfalls affect political regimes. We document the following regularities. Natural resource windfalls have no effect on the political system when they occur in democracies. However, windfalls have significant political consequences in autocracies. In particular, when an autocratic country receives a positive shock to its flow of resource rents it responds by becoming even more autocratic. Furthermore, there is heterogeneity in the response of autocracies. In deeply entrenched autocracies the effect of windfalls on politics is virtually nil, while in moderately entrenched autocracies windfalls significantly exacerbate the autocratic nature of the political system. To frame the empirical work we present a simple model in which political incumbents choose the degree of political contestability by deciding how much to spend on vote-buying, bullying, or outright repression. Potential challengers decide whether or not to try to unseat the incumbent and replace him. The model uncovers a reason for the asymmetric impact of resource windfalls on democracies and autocracies, as well as the differential impact within autocratic regimes.

… political institutions and political corruption. We argue that political corruption is an informal institution that allows nondemocratic leaders to build political support, act as a substitute for …

… change (off-path change) occurs when the reproductions mechanisms that stabilize an institution break down (see Table 1). 3 The form which off-path change takes is influenced by the …

This article investigates the relationship between political instability and economic growth. We define “political instability” as the propensity of a government collapse, and we argues in which political instability and economic growth are interdependent to each other. The main result of this article is that in countries and as well as in Pakistan time periods with a high propensity of government collapse, growth is significantly lower as otherwise. This effect remains strong and shows consequences of political instability to socio-economic policies, unequal distribution of wealth, corruption, unemployment, poverty, mental and physical health, internal external terrorism and poor family leadership.” This article explores the complex link between political instability and economic growth, emphasizing the definition of "political instability" as the propensity for the dissolution of the government. The central theme of our argument is the relationship between economic expansion and political instability. This study's main conclusion is that, in nations—Pakistan being one prominent example eras marked by a higher risk of political collapse tend to have far slower rates of economic growth than periods marked by greater stability. This research reveals the profound effects of political instability on socio-economic policies, highlighting its long-lasting influence. The consequences are multifaceted, including uneven economic distribution, widespread corruption, prolonged joblessness, high rates of poverty, and negative impacts on mental and physical health. Moreover, political unrest has a significant impact on the incidence of both domestic and foreign terrorism, making security issues worse in impacted areas. Additionally, the study clarifies how political instability undermines the authority of families and shatters the foundation of social systems. This paper offers a thorough examination of the complex effects of political instability, shedding light on how it affects numerous socioeconomic indicators and economic growth. Comprehending these processes is of paramount importance for policymakers, scholars, and international leaders who aim to tackle the obstacles presented by political instability and promote stable, robust communities.

… or her institutional distribution in the status quo in the event that the negotiations break down. … in the name of economic growth and political stability. Thus, in contrast to Kyrgyzstan, there …

The paper aims to examine the institutional causes of the democratic breakdown of the Weimar Republic. To accomplish that purpose following problems were set: firstly, paper discusses current state of democracy throughout the world, its issues and challenges. Paper also underlines global trend of democratic decline. That discussion is provided to draw parallels and pinpoint relevance of the analysis. Afterwards, the research examines German political system, democratic roots and development. Moreover, constitutional changes and checks and balances are analyzed as well. The paper particularly scrutinizes evolution of German political parties and specifics of electoral system. Institutional heritage of regime change is also unveiled. The paper underlines pitfalls of Weimar Republic’s institutions that led to democratic breakdown. Apart from it, research generally outlines socio-economic background of Weimar Republic. During the research examination of documents, content analysis, comparative and historical methods were applied. The paper concludes that regarding to its institutional weakness, that is absence of electoral threshold, fragmentation of parliament and political parties, the abundance of social associations, semi-presidential system and socioeconomic situation created ground for an authoritarian takeover of the Weimar Republic.

This study investigates the non‐linear effects of political stability on economic development and explores the moderating role of institutional factors. Drawing on panel data from 162 countries between 2007 and 2022, we employ a system generalised method of moments (system‐GMM) estimator to test the hypothesis that political stability follows an inverted U‐shaped relationship with economic growth. Our findings provide robust support for the institutional sclerosis hypothesis, which refers to the tendency of entrenched interest groups in overly stable political systems to resist reform and innovation. While moderate stability fosters growth, excessive stability leads to diminished returns, institutional rigidity, and reform inertia. Importantly, among the institutional moderators considered—economic freedom, government quality, and human capital—only education, as a proxy for cognitive capacity, significantly attenuates the negative impact of over‐stabilisation. This suggests that educational capital functions not merely as a productivity input, but as a cognitive institutional force that enhances societal adaptability and resilience. These findings challenge the conventional wisdom that political stability uniformly promotes development and instead emphasise the contingent nature of stability's effects. From a policy perspective, the study underscores the need for institutional flexibility and strategic investment in education to counteract the stagnating effects of political over‐stabilisation, particularly in developing economies. JEL Classification: O10; O43; C23

… Indeed, it bears emphasis that in virtually all of the empirical papers that probe the relationship between resources and political institutions or political stability, the independent variable …

… Both grow from a similarity ‘help states function’ shares with the earlier-addressed call to increase state control – the assumption that stronger state institutions will increase state stability…

Abstract New institutional economics and transaction costs economics assert the importance of political stability as the primary determinant of an economy’s institutional quality. Rallying both perspectives, this article investigates the impact of political stability on public-private partnerships’ performance. A political system founded on impersonal organizations corrects for the natural monopoly characteristics of public services by eroding rents and decreasing transaction costs stemming from the public partner’s opportunism. Panel data regressions with country-specific effects, on a sample of 14 emerging countries for the period 1999–2014, confirm that the marginal effect of private infrastructure investments on GDP per capita depends on political stability.

… cycle of an ethnic war. This article argues that both negotiations and war processes … Both the ethnic elite and the masses hold the key for a successful mobilization process, defined in …