维和警察力量构成对平民保护效果的影响

ABSTRACT This article examines the contributions of police to the Protection of Civilians (PoC) in United Nations (UN) peace operations. Drawing on field research in four missions where police have had to implement PoC mandates in challenging and unprecedented ways, I identify lessons associated with emerging practice. The article contributes to debates about non-military forms of civilian protection arguing that police – at once uniformed and civilian, coercive but also community-oriented – offer unique contributions to PoC. It also highlights the need for a systematic evaluation of what works and what does not for protection through policing to be harnessed in future missions.

… on the role of UN police in the protection of civilians state that ‘… to protect civilians are applicable to UN police, even if the resolutions do not set out the specific role intended for UN police…

Protection of civilians (POC) is at the centre of UN peace operations, with majority of UN military and police personnel having this mandate. This chapter examines whether peacekeepers are provided with the means to fulfil it. Drawing on her experience from the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), Frafjord Johnson reveals systemic weaknesses in the way the UN deploys, resources, and supports missions. A major problem is lack of guidance when host governments prove to be the main perpetrator. The primary responsibility to protect civilians rests with host governments, but the UN system also needs to train its forces in POC-operations and security reform. The chapter concludes that protection will remain an illusion for many civilians at risk unless these challenges are addressed.

… peacekeeping prevents civilian deaths. We propose that UN peacekeeping can protect civilians if missions are adequately composed of military troops and police in large numbers. …

The ‘protection of civilians’ mandate in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations fulfils a critical role in realising broader protection objectives, which have in recent years become an important focus of international relations and international law. The concepts of the ‘protection of civilians’ constructed by the humanitarian, human rights and peacekeeping communities have evolved somewhat separately, resulting in disparate understandings of the associated normative bases, substance and responsibilities. If UN peacekeepers are to effectively provide physical protection to civilians under threat of violence, it is necessary to untangle this conceptual and normative confusion. The practical expectations of the use of force to protect civilians must be clear, and an overarching framework is needed to facilitate the spectrum of actors working in a complementary way towards the common objectives of the broader protection agenda.

… It is his vision of the role and function of civilian police in UN peacekeeping operations which permeates so much of what has been written in the succeeding chapters of this publication. …

… to empower peacekeeping operations to protect civilians from violent … study of peacekeeping capacities to protect civilians, … troops and police has an effect on civilian protection, namely …

… The United Nations and its member-states enjoy various options to strengthen the police capabilities of peacekeeping operations, of which we focus upon three. First, a series of modest …

… tasks for the deterrence of mass atrocity crimes,Footnote74 leaving other contingents such as military and civilian police to fill the gap in protecting civilians from violence at an early …

… inadequate to protect civilians has prompted substantial reform of peacekeeping mandates … PoC, then countries contributing troops, police and civilian personnel must also develop their …

Protection of civilians has become enshrined as a core task for international peacekeeping missions. How to ensure that civilians are safe from violence and human rights abuses is central to developing military doctrine for peacekeeping; how safe civilians are from attack is central to how peacekeeping missions are assessed both by locals and international observers. However, protection of civilians is often seen as something that is done by active peacekeepers on behalf of passive civilians, potentially missing the ways in which peacekeepers’ actions interact with strategies that civilians undertake on their own behalf. Integrating peacekeeper and civilian self-protection strategies is not trivial, either from a practical or a moral standpoint. Drawing on primary research among women in Liberia, as well as case studies of civilian protection elsewhere, this essay examines the ways in which working with civilians on protection—creating ‘hybrid’ systems of protection—inevitably entangles peacekeepers in civilians’ other social, political, and moral concerns, undermining at least a naïve impartiality. To retain their moral stance, peacekeepers ought to focus on using the safety they provide to allow different local actors (civilian and armed) to interact safely and, ideally, constructively.

Abstract Are UN peacekeepers effective in protecting civilians from violence? Existing studies examine this issue at the country level, thereby making it difficult to isolate the effect of peacekeepers and to assess the actual mechanism at work. We provide the first comprehensive evaluation of UN peacekeeping success in protecting civilians at the subnational level. We argue that peacekeepers through their sizable local presence can increase the political and military costs for warring actors to engage in civilian targeting. Since peacekeepers’ access to civilian populations rests on government consent, peacekeepers will primarily be effective in imposing these costs on rebel groups, but less so for government actors. To test these conjectures we combine new monthly data on the location of peacekeepers with data on the location and timing of civilian killings in Africa. Our findings suggest that local peacekeeping presence enhances the effectiveness of civilian protection against rebel abuse, but that UN peacekeeping struggles to protect civilians from government forces.

… For peacekeeping operations, protecting civilians is frequently an explicit objective that they are called … requires concerted and coordinated action among the military, police and civilian …

… of peacekeeping missions in protecting civilians during the … peacekeeping personnel commitments along with civilian … are the number of UN peacekeeping troops, police, and military …

… Female police make UN Police more operationally effective at its mandated tasks, including the protection of civilians, and especially with regard to women and children. Women officers …

Mandates of the UN peace operations differ in different situations, contexts, and missions. The protection of civilians has now become an essential part of these mandates. Even without explicit inclusion in the mandate, it is the peacekeepers’ moral responsibility to protect innocent civilians from life-threatening consequences. Despite several policy documents issued by the UN and using the Chapter vii mission mandate, the protection has remained a huge challenge for several reasons. These could vary from a hesitation to use force, a dictate from the home country or even a contingent’s desire to avoid future hostilities with a contesting group. This adversely impacts the UN peace operations’ performance and creates a negative perception of the UN’s ability to protect civilians. Even though military force has been used in many places to carry out the UN mandate, specific instances of such use to protect civilians have given mixed results. This paper examines if there is any tangible value in authorising UN peace operations to use force in protecting civilians in armed conflicts. An evaluation of the use of force for carrying out the mandate and specifically for the protection of civilians has been attempted. It proceeds first to ascertain the reasons for such authorisation and successful usage and looks at peacekeepers’ reluctance to use force. This has been followed up by examining a few cases of the use of force at operational and tactical levels and deducing that using force to protect civilians can be the right decision.

… effectiveness, but when the UN intervenes in ongoing conffict, its primary role and mandate from … may help to explain the insignificant effect of UN Police. In some respects, the result for …

The Ghana Police Service is constantly criticised by the Ghanaian public for poor performance and an inability to deal effectively with rising crime rates. Media reports and scholarly research have corroborated these criticisms, citing instances of police brutality, corruption, negligence, ineffectiveness and complicity in crimes. However, with few exceptions, the same police are widely applauded in United Nations peacekeeping operations for their professionalism, outstanding performance, and contributions to restoring peace and the rule of law. This raises the question of why the police’s performance at home differs from its performance in peacekeeping contexts. This article analyses the factors that underpin the perceived variations in police performance at home and internationally. Based on in-depth interviews conducted with relevant stakeholders and the application of assemblage theory to the empirical evidence gathered, it argues that perceived variations in performance have nothing to do with the technical competencies and knowledge of police personnel. Rather, this discrepancy can be explained by factors including: the effects of the colonial legacy on the police; different mandates/tasks in mission and in Ghana; distinct socio-cultural and political dynamics that influence policing; different legal frameworks and principles that govern domestic and international policing; limited availability of human and logistical resources and funding for domestic policing; and different methods for dealing with indiscipline and corruption.

… UN peacekeepers are deployed in missions mandated … Finding practical and effective responses to the challenges … to UN police who—mainly in the form of Formed Police Units (FPUs)…

… of the organization, its broad composition, and the politics within … ‘robust approach means that contingents may be required to use … strong military and civilian police presence, backed by …

… (IOs) in general and peace operations in particular come from… of an organizational design contingent on the way it is given … , the quarrels over the police component or the fast track …

ABSTRACT This paper examines the effectiveness of non-UN-led peacekeeping operations (PKOs) from two alternative perspectives. First, the four kinds of regional and international (out of region) PKOs are investigated based on their ability to curtail one-sided violence (OSV) against civilians by host governments or rebels. That analysis is further bolstered by propensity-score matching to ameliorate potential selection bias stemming from non-UN PKOs. For the matched sample, we find that non-UN peacebuilding and peace enforcement missions limit rebel caused OSV, which is a novel result. Second, the ability of non-UN PKOs’ troops and police to end conflict or to maintain peace are ascertained based on survival analysis. Non-UN troops, but not police, curtail the transition from peace, regardless of matching. Generally, non-UN PKOs display effectiveness in limiting OSV or maintaining peace, but not in ending conflict.

Past studies of the effectiveness of peacekeeping operations (PKOs) mainly focus on the preservation of peace. If the transitions from peace to conflict or from conflict to peace are correlated based on grievances or war weariness, then a multi‐transition survival analysis provides more efficient estimates and may limit bias. Our main analysis for 133 country‐based conflicts during 1990–2016 shows that estimates of the two transitions display a significant negative covariance, consistent with grievances and the need for a multi‐transition approach. As a robustness check, we match UN PKOs with the absence of UN PKOs to address nonrandom assignments of PKOs. For the matched and unmatched estimates, we find that UN peace enforcement missions induce a transition from conflict to peace, while UN observation, traditional peacekeeping, and peacebuilding missions limit a transition from peace to conflict. We also show that UN troops, rather than UN police, are more effective in transitioning from conflict to peace and in maintaining peace after conflict. Further robustness runs for alternative subsamples (e.g., just civil wars) support the main results. Our findings indicate the appropriate UN PKO mission type and personnel mix to deploy depending on the conflict’s current state.