女权主义和平理论（Feminist Peace Theory）

… Feminist thinking about care and peace are deeply intertwined, and this chapter will … peace theory. Although care ethics has a long history in European thinking,1 contemporary feminist …

… about peace from the Korean context to develop a feminist … peace creates empty concepts, justifies hierarchy, and normalises domination, a feminist approach to everyday peace is one …

… feminist peace pedagogy had gone too far to be in the best interests of women, men and peace… In the public sphere, as we have seen, most feminist peace researchers themselves …

ABSTRACT Critical Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS) as a field cares about gender. Yet, feminist work frequently receives token acknowledgement by critical scholars rather than sustained engagement and analysis. This Special Issue demonstrates why critical PCS needs feminist epistemologies, methodologies, and empirical analyses. In this introductory article, we deploy a feminist genealogical analysis of the ‘four generations’ of PCS and argue that the ghettoization of ‘gender issues’ marginalises feminist work within academia, policy, and practice. Critical PCS research has taken inspiration from feminist scholars, however there remain opportunities for deeper conversations. Addressing this marginalisation matters if we wish to decolonise PCS and develop a nuanced sensory perception of peace and conflict. Furthermore, engaging with feminist ideas can directly contribute to building more meaningful, sustainable, and equitable forms of peace. In short: feminist insights are crucial to prompting a deeper and more transformative dialogue within the scholarship and practice of critical PCS.

… Scholars and activists unfamiliar with feminist … and peace, when they hear about feminist peace research. Studying women’s involvements in peace movements and their work as peace…

ABSTRACT More than 20 years after the landmark achievement of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, feminist scholars and activists are debating the conditions in which peacebuilders should employ the agenda and those in which they should pursue alternatives. This article argues that the conflict and peacebuilding in Manipur, a state in Northeast India, is ripe for creative thinking beyond WPS. India refuses to acknowledge legally this intractable, low-intensity armed conflict, barring international and humanitarian actors from entry. Moreover, the WPS agenda has failed to reach from New Delhi into the marginalized Northeast region, where plentiful forms of direct and structural violence persist. Thus, rather than rallying around the WPS agenda for this case, feminist scholars and activists should find other ways to support longstanding women’s peacebuilding initiatives. Using Ackerly’s critical feminist methodology, I synthesize inductive insights from women’s peacebuilding praxis and apply them to Lederach’s contextual and relational approach to conflict transformation, revising it to incorporate the gendered concerns of women building peace across ethnic and religious differences. The result is a grounded normative theory called “critical feminist justpeace,” an alternative to the WPS approach.

… In essence, these feminist theoreticians assert that our … traditional a sociation with work for peace, the IF study indicates, … peace hinges o the success or failure of the mode feminist …

Many women across the world have addressed issues of peace and war since antiquity, from Christine de Pizan and Jane Addams to Betty Reardon and Elise Boulding. Although a few feminist scholars in the social sciences consider themselves “peace studies” (PS) scholars, other feminists contribute to PS by tackling peace and violence issues. PS comprises peace research, peace education, and peace activism. Feminists improve on and challenge these fields by insisting on expanded definitions of peace that suggest continuity between different forms of violence; highlighting the diverse roles played by women and other marginalized groups in violent conflicts and in peace processes; complicating our understanding of peace and violence while foregrounding gender as a social and symbolic construct involving relations of power; and proposing transformative ways of conceptualizing peace, war, and postconflict transitions. By seeing all forms of violence along a continuum, feminists transform PS’ understandings of peace. Furthermore, feminism brings women to the center of PS by making them visible as actors in both peace and conflict. Finally, feminism envisions a peaceful future that take into consideration women, other marginalized people, and gender. A number of themes continue to emerge from feminist engagement with PS, such as forgiveness, reconciliation, and transitional justice—themes situated at the intersection of peace/violence and religion.

… for an incorporation of feminist theories into peace theories, by … feminist contributions to a theory on violence. I take Johan Galtung's theory of violence as a point of departure, as a theory …

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… important implication of feminist peace research concerns the concept of peace itsclf, its … As noted at the outset, feminist scholars do not challenge existing definitions of peace. lndeed. …

… In order to outline three aspects of an emerging feminist peace politics, I will take far more seriously than she could have intended the rhetoric of Virginia Woolf's letter: War is masculine, …

The work of pacifist and internationalist women is seen as having been sidelined, even feared or disowned by some feminists, as irrelevant or disempowering. It is argued here that this …

This chapter provides an overview of current conceptualizations of feminist peace within different disciplinary trajectories, particularly in the fields of international law and International Relations. The introduction draws out the central thematic threads that connect the conversations in this collection – extractivism, militarism, violence, the legacies of patriarchal and colonial violence, and contemporary resistances – and explores the value of conversation as a feminist collaborative research methodology.

… how a conflict approach to feminist politics can pose alternative questions about the Peace Process. … This paper explores how a conflict approach to feminist politics can pose alternative …

… It provides a (necessarily brief) overview of the field of feminist … feminist theory, and briefly considers how feminist PCS scholarship reflects and expands upon various strands of feminist …

2 Feminist security studies Page 1 2 Feminist security studies Laura J. Shepherd Chapter summary This chapter uses the case study of rape in war to explore the ways in which gender …

… Based on this literature, and looking ahead to feminist … of feminist Security Studies and then lays out four of the foundational arguments of feminist theories of international security. …

Feminist Security Studies (FSS) is quickly becoming a recognized area of research. Recent articles in Security Studies (Sjoberg 2009) and International Security (Hudson et al. 2008/9) specifically address the contributions of FSS to the field of security studies, a network of scholars working in FSS is regularly represented at the Annual Convention of the International Studies Association, and the terminology has been used in many recent publications (e.g. Hansen 2009; Shepherd 2010; Sjoberg and Martin 2010; Wibben 2009, 2011). Given the proliferation of feminist security scholarship, which is based on a variety of feminisms, feminist scholars should begin to debate the content and scope of their research. Not only is there now enough material to do so, but there also are some real differences in feminist scholarship—and these differences matter.

Barry Buzan &amp; Lene Hansen (2009) note that the first glimmer of concern with women and security within international relations and peace studies was a site of tension: in the 1970s and into the 1980s, women were not on the agenda of international relations at all. Peace theorists embraced the concept of structural violence but also excluded women from their discussions. There are now new inclusion/exclusion tensions within feminist international relations and its security wing. In this article I address two tensions: (1) concern to maintain the stance that security is a peace issue as some venture systematically into feminist war studies, and (2) a tendency to issue harsh judgements of feminists whose views challenge the accommodation of cultural difference. I briefly consider examples of these two tensions and suggest ways to work with and beyond the structure of international relations to ‘evolve’ (feminist) security studies further.

This piece looks to backwards and forwards to what feminist work in security was, is, and could be, pairing a historical sociology with a forward-looking view of the future(s) of the field. It begins with thinking about feminist studies of security before FSS as a foundation for the discussion, then traces different claims to core identities of FSS. It then looks at divergent strands of FSS, as well as omissions and critiques. Rather than looking to reconcile those different accounts, it asks what can be taken from them to engage potential futures for FSS, and its contribution to feminisms and/or studies of security.

… is called “critical security studies” than they are to more conventional IR security scholarship. In … on possible convergences between IR feminist scholarship and critical security studies. …

… , security, violence and war. Like most feminist IR scholarship, feminist security studies … IR, and instead critically engages mainstream security studies to varying degrees. This approach …

… publications in the field of feminist security studies. These texts are … Finally, I argue that feminist security studies offers an … If we accept the core insights of feminist security studies – the …

… questions – the starting-point of much feminist research is already … feminist security studies potentially ‘enter’ the political differently and, thus, potentially performs critical security studies …

As feminist international relations enters its third decade as a subdiscipline within IR, it is particularly fitting that we recognize and celebrate the stimulating and important new research that is being done in Feminist Security Studies. In the early days of feminist IR, feminists tended to stay away from security studies, at least as it is conventionally defined, a tendency that, fortunately, is no longer the case. The rich and varied research being done by contributors to this volume is evidence that the field has taken off and that its research agendas are flourishing.

… to my mind, are indeed characteristic of feminist security studies as I understand it and that are … failing to challenge what I consider to be a myopic envisioning of feminist security studies. …

In previous work, I characterized Feminist Security Studies as pluralistic, but transformative:Research in Feminist Security Studies reformulates mainstream approaches to traditional security issues, foregrounds the roles of women and gender in conflict and conflict resolution, and reveals the blindness of security studies to issues that taking gender seriously shows as relevant to thinking about security. Together, these works, as a research program, show that gender analysis is necessary, conceptually, for understanding international security, important for analyzing causes and predicting outcomes, and essential to thinking about solutions and promoting positive change in the security realm. (Sjoberg 2009a, 184; see also Sjoberg 2006, 2009b; Sjoberg and Martin 2010.)

The essays here reflect on the need to rebuild bridges between two key strands of feminist International Relations (IR) scholarship: feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist (international) political economy (FPE/FIPE). As many of the contributions to this section point out, feminist IR scholarship has long emphasized how gender relations and identities are constituted globally in relation to processes of militarization, securitization, globalization, and governance. In more recent years, however, feminist IR scholarship has come to be dominated by a concern with security (Prügl 2011). Of course, FPE scholarship has continued to provide critical accounts of the gendered nature of global production, work, and financial crises (among other issues). But it is notable that, in doing so, much FPE scholarship has tended to avoid questions of security and/or violence. This CP section, then, looks to the growing divide between FSS and FPE with all of the contributors seeking to analyse how these two traditions of feminist scholarship might be reintegrated and why this reintegration is important.

Abstract My current interest in silence, gender, and power owes much to discussions with Marysia Zalewski over the years. Much of my work has focused on masculinity, gender relations, and gender hierarchies with a focus on security and development in conflict zones. More recently, I have begun to explore silence not as a sign of disempowerment, but as a powerful force that can be used in many ways. This approach enables a more multi-levelled understanding of silence and voice and their many interactions. It has much to tell the Global North, where we prize voice and often underestimate the power of silence.

My comments take the form of a brief rumination about the politics of “Feminist Security Studies”—as a field of knowledge and as a practice. I start by raising some questions about the meaning of the term itself and the politics of defining the field. Then, in light of these questions, I turn to the politics of the practice of Feminist Security Studies.

… Given the sustained engagement with dominant security studies frameworks, this volume should be widely adopted in graduate International Relations and International Security …

… necessary links between women and opposition to militarism. In addition, more women than … of applying gender analyses to militarism and peace work in sites of conflict today, looking …

… With increasing intervention from both multinational and nonstate entities in these local conflicts, external actors worked to ensure that the more positive gender transformations of …

… this collection on gender, war, and militarism cannot possibly … the struggle for post-conflict reintegration for girls associated … studies tell us about gender, war, and militarism; perhaps our …

… children who have been caught up in armed conflict and to discount the complex realities of … or gender neutral, the effects of armed conflict on young girls, and the gender implications of …

… Grounded in feminist scholarship on the intimate relationship between militarism and … the IsraeliPalestinian conflict on women's lives and on the social construction of gender relations in …

… conflicts epitomise some of the worst excesses of militarism in … and ideological features of militarism undermine the prospects … The gender dynamics of militarism discussed here indicate …

The relationship between gender and war can be described in at least two contrasting ways. It is often represented as a somewhat casual, contingent, kind of relationship, in which ‘men and women’ stand in for ‘gender’, and signifi cance is accorded to ‘who does what’ in war. Alternatively the gender/war relation may be given much more explanatory importance, to the extent of positing a two-way causality. War may be seen as actually shaping the gender relations of a given society, while in turn a certain gender order may be seen as predisposing a society to war (Reardon 1996; Goldstein 2001; Cockburn 2007).

… is paradigmatic in militarism and war. To forestall misunderstanding: I am not arguing for the primacy of “women’s oppression” or the reduction of class and race to sex/gender relations. …

The relationship between militarism and gender‐based violence is rooted in the gendered socialization of boys and girls. The militarization of masculinities and femininities begins at a young age, reinforcing a gendered division of power and labor and legitimizing the use of political violence. In conflict zones, political violence is often accompanied by gender‐based violence, including sexual assault, rape, sexual slavery, human trafficking, and intimate‐partner violence. Higher rates of violence against women can be found in militarized societies, especially during and in the aftermath of wars. Militaristic interpretations of “national security” and the massive presence of armed military and police personnel paradoxically heighten the sense of insecurity of both women and minority groups. Though women have led peace movements and anti‐militarism efforts, new evidence suggests that under some circumstances some women may take part in male‐led sexualized violence against noncombatants. The United Nations and other human rights organizations have long been concerned with the situation of women in armed conflict. Multiple UN resolutions and special reports, culminating in UNSCR 1325, suggest that the increased participation of women at all levels of the political system may contribute to peacebuilding and reduce the rate of gender‐based violence.

… During the 1990s the convulsion of armed conflict then deepened gender divisions in such a way that in this present period, dubiously deemed ‘post-war’, feminists find themselves …

… I begin by examining how the British liberal state has characterized the Syrian conflict as necessitating military action in two interconnected ways. The first draws on gendered and …

… They argue that it is not possible to accurately understand why military conflict … gender roles as constructs helps contest militarism as a ‘natural’ part of IR. Thus, gender and militarism …

… to theorizing on gender and the feminist call for attention to gender in relation to military systems and situations of armed conflict have been co-opted. It is doubtful whether gender main…

… joint writing about the complex inequalities of gender, race, class, and nation … militarism and neoliberalism. In 1997, we founded the East Asia-US Women's Network Against Militarism …

… disputes, and that gender equality correlates with lower levels of state militarism internationally. This project tests whether higher levels of gender equality yield lower levels of militarism, …

ABSTRACT Feminist scholars have long argued that militarism and patriarchy are linked. To date, however, the relationship between militarization and gender inequality has not been empirically tested. Using the Gender Inequality Index and the Global Militarization Index for the period of 1990–2017 for 133 countries, we put the spotlight on militarization to show how it reflects and contributes to gender inequality (in terms of health, education, political representation, and labor force participation). Our article shows that higher militarization is significantly correlated with higher gender inequality, controlling for major variables such as the military in politics, the proportion of parliamentary seats held by women, conflict, democracy level, and regime type. Among other results, we find that higher representation of women in parliament correlates with less military spending. The results are significant in the case of Muslim majority countries and MENA countries, and with respect to countries with different income levels.

… approach we take to gender and peace as considered in this … peace that we take in sum to be the problematic of violence. … of positive peace, the issue of gender as it relates to negative …

ABSTRACT Norms play a pivotal role in fostering peace. Yet, there is a dearth of comparative empirical studies testing which norms exhibit the strongest connection. Moreover, peace is usually only measured in terms of the absence of violent conflict, neglecting its positive dimensions. This article uses fresh data from the World Values Survey to assess how different norms correlate with negative and positive measures of peace. It confirms that societal endorsement of democracy, tolerance, and gender equality significantly correlate with reduced violent conflict. However, only gender equality also correlates with interpersonal trust as a key indicator of positive peace.

This chapter adds to recent scholarship that calls for Public Administration to develop and acknowledge a concept of positive peace within the discipline. It uses the case of the 2016 Colombian peace agreement between the government and the FARC guerrillas to explore the three-way intersection of gender, peace and public administration. Here, a progressive peace agreement, which actively included the voices of women, was crafted. This path-breaking deal used an expansive notion of gender that included the rights of women and the LGBTQ+ community. Shortly thereafter conservative opposition coalesced to dilute the achievements of the peace process to emphasize order. The surprising story of this peace agreement provides an opportunity to explore the concepts of peace and gender in PA through the historical lenses of the modern state.

The presence of gender provisions in peace agreements affects women’s participation in post-conflict societies as well as the chances that a post-conflict society will move towards gender equality. While there is an overall upward trend in the number of references to women’s rights and gender equality in peace agreements, gender-sensitive agreements are not a given. Why and how are peace agreements with gender provisions adopted? We use statistical analysis to explain why some peace agreements adopt gender provisions while others have no such provisions. Based on an analysis of 98 peace agreements across 55 countries between 2000 and 2016, we find that peace agreements are significantly more likely to have gender provisions when women participate in elite peace processes. Our study also shows that the likelihood of achieving a peace agreement with gender provisions increases when women’s representation in national parliaments increases and when women’s civil society participation is significant.

Any concept of peace includes the absence of direct violence between states — engaged in by military and others — in general and the absence of massive killing of categories of humans in particular. All these absences of types of violence add up to negative peace; as by mutual isolation, unrelated by any structure and culture. This situation is better than violence, but it is not fully peaceful because positive peace is missing in this conceptualization. Indeed, peace would be a strange concept if it did not include relations between genders, races, classes, and families, and did not also include absence of structural violence, the nonintended slow, massive suffering caused by economic and political structures of exploitation and repression (Galtung, 1985); and if it excluded the absence of the cultural violence that legitimizes direct and/or structural violence (Galtung, 1990). Table 1 provides an overview of key terms about positive and negative peace.

… , peace, and security framework) provide an internationally recognised legal framework for … gender equality in peace and security, ensuring the participation of women in all peace-…

… the notion of positive peace emerged in the thinking of the Nobel Peace Prize Committee.… , nation, ethnicity, gender can also inhibit the achievement of a positive peace. This happens …

… not include relations between genders, races, classes … peace; as by mutual isolation, unrelated by any structure and culture. Better than violence, but not peace, because positive peace …

Abstract This article reviews the literature on gender, conflict, and peace. In traditional security studies there was not much room for gender or gender equality, while feminist theorists have claimed most of the research on war and peace. The empirical research on gender, conflict, and peace is a relatively new sub-field that brings together diverse traditions from sociology, feminist theory, international relations, and economic development. The common ground of all researchers included in this short review is the effort to systematically understand the role of gender in shaping outcomes of conflict and peace. Despite the increasing number of articles and new datasets, I identify four areas that scholars must address for the research agenda to further grow, deepen, and develop as part of the mainstream study of peace and conflict: women’s status and quality of peace, women’s participation, sexual violence, and gender mainstreaming to promote gender equality in development and peace.

This chapter examines the interplay between gender and peaceful change. It elaborates on how the concept of peace is inherently gendered by drawing upon feminist scholarship. There are a number of ways to conceptualize gender and peaceful change. The “women-peace hypothesis” assumes a proximity between women’s peacefulness and their experiences of maternal care. However, such a construction needs to be treated with caution since transformative peace requires deconstruction of that assumption, while staying attentive to women’s contributions to peacemaking. Debates on strategic essentialism and inclusive peace are also assessed as a way of gaining deeper and more meaningful understandings of gender-just peaceful change. We argue that women’s unique experiences pertaining to peace and conflict should be considered alongside those of men. In addition, we examine the assumption about states with a poor record on gender inequality are more likely to be involved in intrastate conflicts. The last part of the chapter focuses on policy practice, including the adoption of UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security and the reorientation in some states toward feminist foreign policy as a platform for peaceful change.

The national self-image of Norway is as a gender-equal and peace-promoting nation. Norwegian gender equality policies grew out of a strong social and political civil society engagement from below combined with equal rights laws as well as quota systems implemented from above by the state. In this paper, we explore the intersection of pro-gender norms and peace engagement in Norwegian foreign policy. While gender mainstreaming has been on the agenda of Norwegian development cooperation for decades, the introduction of pro-gender norms in peace engagement is a more recent phenomenon. How are gender equality norms and concerns understood and promoted by Norwegian peace facilitators in practice. And how are pro-gender experiences, values, and norms balanced in Norwegian peace engagement?