民族治理理念与实践差异对跨境犯罪治理的影响及对策——基于中西比较视角

边疆安全是中华民族几千年发展史中领土完整的标志，也是一代代中国人不懈追求的共识。不断凸显的非传统安全问题引发了对边疆安全治理的重新思考。多民族、多文化的云南边疆地区历来是安全问题的多发地，安全问题为什么会由传统向非传统转变，云南存在哪些棘手的非传统安全问题，如何治理，是本文要解决的主要问题。

边境民族地区作为平安中国建设的重要组成部分，治理环境多元复杂，治理力量相对薄弱。为系统解构边境民族地区平安建设的实践困境与治理逻辑，本研究以云南省更戛乡平安建设为案例，运用适应性治理理论，采取实地调研与深度访谈等研究方法，经研究发现：更戛乡立足“边境性”与“民族性”双重治理情境，通过“产业结构调适—认知共同体建构—社会资本网络整合”的三维协同策略，形成了以“发展固边、文化稳边、机制强边”为特征的治理模式。该模式通过制度弹性化调适实现了政策目标与地方知识的动态耦合，为同类型边境民族地区破解治理悬浮困境提供了参照样本。

习近平总书记关于边疆治理的重要论述，从中国化马克思主义的推进、边疆治理理论体系的完善、中国边疆学学科的建设等方面凸显理论创新价值，从国家崛起伟大蓝图的绘就、边疆治理目标体系的丰富、边疆治理理念的升华等方面体现目标建构价值，从新时代边疆治理的正确方向、主要任务、战略规划等方面践行实践导向价值，从边疆治理前景问题的解答、中国世界话语权的提升、中国智慧和中国方案的提供等方面突出话语引领价值。

南亚地区最突出的安全治理困境有四，一是印巴对抗僵局；二是多国间存在领土争端，如中印争端等；三是恐怖活动剧烈，并有加强之势；四是走私贩毒、非法移民、跨国犯罪等非传统安全问题积重难返。要解决这些安全治理困境，需要相关国家采取协商、对话、合作，尤其需要相关大国、尤其是中印等大国积极合作、协商对话，承担主要责任；还需要采取多边主义，包括支持联合国发挥积极作用等。此外，要解决南亚安全治理困境，发展经济、促进地区繁荣是关键。没有一个健康、稳定、繁荣与发展的经济，南亚很难走出安全治理困境。而在这方面，中国所倡导的“一带一路”倡议将能发挥巨大的推动作用。

在边境地区，标语的内容形式、指涉对象、作用路径均异于“内地”，由此构成了一种特定的文化现象和治理工具。边境标语在警示涉边行为、宣传国家政策法制、传播守边固边文化、营造管边控边氛围、宣示国家主权等方面发挥着独特作用。同时，作为一种政治符号，它将国家意志和影响力嵌入到边缘地带，成为边境地区国家在场和国家建构的特殊形式。通过承载上述治理功能，小标语往往可以折射出大问题。基于这种“以小见大”的视角可以看到，中国的边境治理蕴含着二重性治理取向、多元化治理主体、复合型治理路径、差别化治理政策的内在逻辑。

国家治理和国家发展的现实需要及理论诉求呼唤边疆治理研究，经过学者们深耕，产出了大量高质量的边疆治理研究成果，形成了明确的边疆治理研究领域，但综而观之，对边疆治理展开政策维度及其比较的研究却很少。边疆影响国家治理及国家发展，对其的治理存在差别化逻辑，所实施的边疆治理政策存在差异，且邻国之间以及国内的边疆省市之间采取的边疆治理政策存在博弈，从而将边疆治理政策的比较研究凸显出来。可是，从政策比较维度对边疆治理展开的研究却付之阙如，因此有必要展开边疆治理政策的比较研究。就细分类型而言，可进行边疆安全政策、守边固边政策、边疆开发政策、边疆民族政策以及边民政策的比较；从方法维度来看，可聚焦国家维度、区域维度或历史维度的边疆治理政策的比较；具体至实操层面，可进行政策价值取向、政策环境、政策目标、政策执行和政策效果等多方面的比较。

智慧边境建设是保障中国边境安全、维系国家地缘安全和实现可持续发展的核心议题。以web of science为数据源，利用Cite Space解析智慧边境研究特征及国外研究进展，并展望未来研究方向。结果表明：智慧边境研究尚处于起步阶段，发文数量呈波动上升趋势，但研究关注度较低。智慧边境研究群体分布分散，仅存在少量合作关系，尚未形成紧密的合作性作者网络，美国、英国、中国、加拿大、德国是研究智慧边境较多的国家。边境安全是智慧边境研究最关注的话题，移民管理和智能监控是智慧边境建设的重点。智慧边境研究主要围绕智慧边境内涵、智慧边境需求、智慧边境系统、预警机制构建、再边境化与智慧化和边境战略与跨境合作6个议题展开。未来，智慧边境研究应深化智慧边境理论与方法创新，开展中国智慧边境管控体系构建，加强通道精准管控与预警研究，探究多主体联动与人性化治理模式。

Where there are countries, there will be borders. How to enhance the control capabilities of land border channels is a universal challenge that the vast majority of countries in the world will face. At present, although China’s land border channels have played significant role in serving as “gateway” and “checkpoint”, there have been some drawbacks in terms of public safety concepts, institutional guarantees, organizational structures, differentiated guarantee capabilities, social participation, resource investment, construction of smart border channels, and cooperation with neighboring countries in public security that all need to be further strengthened, against the background that the world today is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century. Therefore, it is necessary to optimize the path to enhance the public security capacity from multiple perspectives and levels, so that the linking role of the “bridge” and the defensive role of the “wall” can be effectively exerted, thus ensuring border stability and national security.

… transnational crime do not actually end up in Third World countries.It is also important to note that organized crime is … Such ‘mafia-like’ structures may provide an alternative governance …

… often worsen the risks of terrorism, revenue loss and the governance lapses that lead to … triads, Japanese organized crime (yakuza) and the military-style ethnic groups controlling ATS …

… the economic dimensions of ethnic cleansing, subsequent trading patterns and the political relationships within ethnically altered societies. Transnational criminal networks and parallel …

… That said, in parts of the world where governance and rule of … connections to other jihadist or transnational terror organisations.[… In 2009, following inter-ethnic riots in the Xinjiang city of …

… great variety of cultures, political systems, ethnic groups, religions, languages and climates. … of transnational crime in Asia: corruption, geographic location and poor governance, as well …

… in ethnically tense nation-states; the other asks whether institutions ( of governance, primarily) can blunt the ethnic … tions between domestic ethnic tensions and transnational terrorism. …

… political units to provide governance activities to citizens that are … those engaged in transnational crime locate exemplify this … in places that have a heterogeneous ethnic …

Based on the conceptualizations of organized crime as both an enterprise and a form of governance, borderland as a spatial category, and borders as institutions, this paper looks at the politics of bordering practices by organized crime in the Colombian-Venezuelan borderlands. It posits that contrary to the common assumptions about transnational organized crime, criminal organizations not only blur or erode the border but rather enforce it to their own benefit. In doing so, these groups set norms to regulate socio-spatial practices, informal and illegal economies, and migration flows, creating overlapping social orders and, lastly, (re)shaping the borderland. Theoretically, the analysis brings together insights from political geography, border studies, and organized crime literature, while empirically, it draws on direct observation, criminal justice data, and in-depth interviews.

ABSTRACT In a globalizing world, cross-border enforcement networks are rapidly emerging as important mechanisms to tackle illicit transnational markets. As a relatively recent mode of cross-border governance, both the IPE and public policy literatures have only just begun to explore the dynamics and implications of cross-border policy networks in general and security networks in particular. Cross-border enforcement networks are similar to current IPE conceptions of transgovernmental networks, yet the comparative analysis of such networks in this article shows that they extend, and differ, from transgovernmental networks. Instead, transgovernmental enforcement networks are emerging as a comparable but distinct transnational model and thus warrant emancipation as an object of study in their own right. By exploring two network cases concerned with US-Canada cross-border tobacco smuggling, the article discerns and describes factors and conditions that account for different outcomes among select U.S-Canada cross-border security networks: IBET/Shiprider and MYGALE. Data was collected by analyzing open primary sources and conducting interviews with subject participants in these policy networks. Based on these observations, the article generates insights that can subsequently be scrutinized using other cross-border policy case studies.

… Drawing from insights from governance and border studies, we propose to study … cross-border governance arrangements, their contribution to bordering processes and cross-border “…

… A Borderlands Vantage Point I begin with complex governance and inequalities in border regions … The hard border drove Transnational Criminal Organizations (TCOs) whose affiliates …

This article is a review of regional cross-border coordination and cooperation around the world. Two questions are raised: when trade dominates, does economic or functional interdependency result in cross-border linkages? Second, when politics and institutions mediate cross-border relations, do economic relations intensify? Specifically, do local–central networks of government actors and institutions mediate such processes when they emerge? To investigate those two questions, this work focuses on cross-border relations in various parts of the world primarily focusing of the role trading relations or local–central relations would play in developing cross-border networks spanning an international boundary. In an era of globalisation, increased trade across regions of the world seem to have led to a specific increased cross-border cooperation, however, taking different forms from intense trading relations to resulting cross-border institutionalisation. Those forms of cross-border cooperation in the various regions of the world, however, do not result from the same drivers: For the purpose of a comparative analysis of cross-border relations, the argument developed here is that regional drivers determine types of relations from no relations to intense trading and government-like forms of cooperation. However, in most cases as suggested below, the prime drivers of cross-border relations, trade, do not necessarily translate into increased border spanning governmental activism, and government cross-border institutionalisation does not necessarily transmute into increased economic integration.

… cross-border governance and “place-making” through the concept of “borderlands of governance… labour market, as a location of health services, as an incentive for crime, an attractive …

Comparativists are increasingly researching national border regions. Yet the distinct way in which proximity to borders independently shapes politics is rarely theorized explicitly. Drawing on the emerging subdiscipline of border studies, we identify three types of border effects: Borders involve specific actors, shape local identities, and provide distinct strategies, each of which directly affects key areas of comparative politics. An in-depth review of work on political violence and state formation shows that specifying these effects ( a) demands that comparativists consider the ways in which borderlands differ from other regions and be careful in attributing processes found there to nations as a whole, ( b) improves theories by elucidating scope conditions, and ( c) scrutinizes the validity of our research designs and measurement strategies. We end with a call to move from a comparative politics in border regions to a comparative politics of border regions that contextualizes how borders alter political processes.

The cities of Narva, Estonia and Ivangorod, Russia are separated physically by the Narva River—and by an imposing border regime. By contrast, prior to 1991 they were joined by a bridge and shared resources. Before the end of the Cold War and the independence of Estonia, Narva and Ivangorod functioned as one city, with a shared transit system, water and emergency resources. People moved freely across the border for work, family and social functions. Functionally, there was no border. Similarly, as consecutive American governments have sought to stem the tide of drugs, immigrants and terrorists, the cities of El Paso and Ciudad Juarez along the border between the United States and Mexico have been adversely affected by a border security regime that has imposed significant costs on communities that straddle the border: social, political and economic costs imposed by central governments far afield but borne by local communities. In some cases, communities have been successful at pushing back against such costs, in others less so. This is a Special Issue on the determinants of cooperation across borders. It introduces two novelties. The first is an empirical model to identify and measure determinants, their importance, role, and interaction effects. The second is to validate these variables using the level of community as a laboratory of experimentation to gauge opportunities that motivate cross-border cooperation. The articles in the Special Issue illustrate different dimensions of this model, and convey a preliminary appreciation for the ability to validate these variables in the way certain communities engage across specific borders. The ultimate objective is not just to introduce a working model, variables and method that can deployed more widely to measure determinants of cross-border cooperation, but eventually to work towards counteracting the prevailing effects of securitizing borders, and their deleterious consequences for local communities. While the securitzation of borders has received ample attention, little thought has been given to their de-securitzation. Our aim is to change that by developing a model and validating variables to identify opportunities for communities to push back through local engagement across borders. While that research goal may be some way off in the distance, this Special Issue and its articles are an initial foray into floating that research agenda, operationalizing it, and demonstrating its prospective value and payoff for communities and the study of borders alike. Over the last decade the securitization of international boundaries; the building of walls and barriers, increased surveillance and the use of technology to regulate flows across international borders has been figuring ever more prominently in scholarship on

ABSTRACT This special issue raises the prospect of trust-based determinants of security communities other than cultural similarity. The case studies in this special issue document the emergence of cross-border and transgovernmental policy and enforcement networks that facilitate policy development, implementation and alignment through coordination, cooperation, and collaboration: nascent communities coordinate, ascendant communities coordinate and cooperate but struggle to collaborate, while mature communities coordinate, cooperate, and collaborate. Specifically, pluralistic forms of communication and interactions away from the actual borderline seem to play a key role in the emergence of friendly and trustful relationships among border dyads that need not necessarily be contiguous.

… The comparative analysis of 14 regional organizations in this article reveals … security governance. First, while there are some global referents in the conceptualization of the security of …

The composition of security forces in multiethnic states has significant implications for national security, institutional cohesion, and societal stability. This article examines the relationship between the ethnic composition of security forces and national security through a qualitative and comparative analysis of global and South Asian case studies with particular reference to Nepal. The study adopts a comparative and analytical approach, focusing on ethnicity as an institutional factor shaping professionalism, cohesion, and effectiveness of security organizations. The article begins by establishing a conceptual framework that defines key terms and outlines the relevance of ethnic composition to national security. It then explores the theoretical linkages between ethnic representation, institutional harmony, and security outcomes. Selected global experiences from the ethnic composition in the Balkans, Africa, and Asia are analyzed to highlight both successful integration models and cases where ethnic divisions within security forces have contributed to internal friction and security challenges, followed by South Asian experiences. Against this broader comparative background, the article assesses Nepal’s experience. The article argues that Nepal’s security forces, particularly the Nepali Army, have historically functioned as a cohesive and inclusive institution, reflecting the country’s social diversity. Since its inception, the Nepali Army has served as a melting pot of various ethnic, caste, and regional groups, maintaining harmony and institutional integrity even during periods of political and security transition. A distinctive feature contributing to this is the barracks-based system, which promotes close interaction, shared identity, and discipline, thereby reinforcing cohesion and professionalism. The article concludes by highlighting that Nepal’s experience offers valuable insights into managing diversity within security forces and demonstrates how institutional cohesion and inclusiveness can strengthen national security. While challenges remain, Nepal’s case provides a meaningful reference for broader comparative discussions on security forces and national stability.

Background. The increase in the complexity of the social and political situation of Eastern European countries raises questions about securitization of national and ethnic minorities and its impact on the management of ethno-politics in the coun­tries of the subregion. Ethnopolitical management corresponds to the security of the subregion. Research interest in securitization of minority affairs is current, especially after the annexation of Crimea in 2014. Research aims. The purpose is to define the role of securitization of national and ethnic minorities issues in the management of ethno-politics in Eastern Europe­an countries. The research area encompasses: Belarus, Republic of Moldova and Ukraine. The author asks the following research questions: 1) What are the areas of securitization of the issues of national and ethic minorities concerned? 2) How does the securitization of the issues of national and ethnic minorities take place? 3) How does the securitization affect the process of ethnopolitical management in the studied countries? Methodology. An interdisciplinary research approach was applied, integrat­ing methods from political science, international relations and management. The conclusions from author’s own research carried out during foreign study trips in the years 2014–2017 were used. The literature has an interdisciplinary aspect. The realization of the goal is based on the application of a catalogue of research methods, including in detail, the following methods are mainly used in the re­search: system analysis; comparative method; behavioral method; a qualitative approach was also used in the realized research. The article uses the method of critical analysis of literature, where the concept of securitization is referred to. Key findings. The role of securitization of national and ethnic minorities in the management of ethnopolitics in the countries of Eastern Europe is diversi­fied (it concerns different minorities and different areas). Uncontrolled may lead to deepening of the subregion’s security crisis (inter alia, to ethnopolitical con­flicts), hindering the process of ethnopolitical management.

By comparing five aspects between China and the West—ideas, model of political participation, path of economic and social development, pattern of protection of language and culture rights, and construction of national cohesion and social (Minzu) solidarity, this paper reveals that the Chinese path of integration and development among all ethnic groups has the following characteristics: the ideas of equality, solidarity, mutual assistance and harmony among all ethnic groups; the integrative participation model of all ethnic groups under the unified leadership of the Communist Party of China; the integration on the economic and social development (common prosperity and development); equal protection of the language and culture rights of all ethnic groups; strong sense of national cohesion and social solidarity of fifty-six ethnic groups, based on the equal emphasis on the individual and collective rights as well as the close integration between political value and traditional cultural value. In general, China’s ethnic policies embody both specific rights and the level of community with a common future. Under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, relations between ethnic groups are harmonious and positive, and development of all ethnic groups tends to achieve a real equality. In Western countries, ethnic (or racial) relations remain relatively stable with fluctuations from time to time, and the development gap between ethnic groups has a trend of further expansion. Different ideas, systems and cultural concepts lead to different ethnic relationships and current situations of development between China and the West.

… the regional majority nationality to whom the autonomous governance of the region is granted.… establish its own public security force. In terms of economic governance, an autonomous …

… 2 It is today generally accepted that ethnicity—like nationhood—is socially constructed rather than primordial and that politics determine ethnic relations rather than vice versa (Chandra …

… relationship between ethnic representation in security sector … that a more nuanced view on ethnic representation is fruitful in … the representation of ethnic minorities in security institutions …

… governance and democratization are not necessarily conducive to an increase in security for ethnic … for conflict, measures to improve governance and democratization must first target …

This paper provides a historical analysis of the Silk Road, highlighting its economic and cultural influence on world civilization. It also examines the evolution of China's frontier governance policies and their impact in different periods. Furthermore, it addresses contemporary cross-border ethnic issues in the context of the Silk Road Economic Belt. By drawing on historical governance practices, it sheds light on the Chinese government's policy dynamics, offering insights for optimizing governance approaches and constructing a suitable framework for the Silk Road Economic Belt's future development. This article contributes valuable perspectives and ideas for resolving cross-border ethnic issues.