韩以土军工发展与战略自主：背景过程异同、李在明政府战时军事指挥权回收、韩国成自主国家或美国军事升级版延长性区域据点可能性

… defense industrial strategies of junior partners. It argues that junior partners adopt one of four strategies—dependence, security hedge, autonomy … security and autonomy management. …

… industry in the 1970s. By the late 1980s, a series of … of South Korean defence industry beyond licensed production of US-designed conventional weapons to the requirements of military …

ABSTRACT Although South Korea has been a relative latecomer to the development of space-related industries, South Korean space development has proceeded rapidly since the late 1990s.1 Initially, space cooperation was blocked as an area of cooperation within the U.S.-South Korea alliance due to U.S. missile proliferation concerns, but U.S. attitude and policy shifted as South Korea acquired enhanced capabilities. This article will review the development of space as a frontier of cooperation within the U.S.-South Korea alliance; highlight how the convergence of U.S. and South Korean space development strategies is contributing to democratization, commercialization, and militarization (DCM) trends by enabling cooperation in peaceful space exploration, thecommercial space industry, and space-based defense; and explore the implications of space-related cooperation for the U.S.-South Korea alliance.

Among scholars of East Asia, the role of US military offshore procurement (OSP) and the military–industrial complex (MIC) has been underplayed in explanations of rapid industrial transformation. Yet the foundations of industrialization in places such as South Korea, when analyzed in strongly ‘national–territorial’ and state-centric terms of the predominant, so-called ‘neo-Weberian’ accounts, remain inadequately illuminated. We argue that a geopolitical economy approach focusing on the roles of OSP and relations within the US MIC brings to light crucial sociospatial dimensions of the Korean developmental state’s industrial success during the Vietnam War era, dimensions that are largely absent from the neo-Weberian accounts. We examine, in particular, the Park Chung Hee regime’s participation in the Vietnam War, and the attendant development of Korean industrial chaebol such as Hyundai, arguing that the successes of the south Korean developmental state and chaebol were enabled by their enrolment in the US MIC, via OSP. Keywords: chaebol , Vietnam War, developmental state, South Korea, offshore procurement

The purpose of this study is to find ways to overcome the asymmetry of the Korea-U.S. alliance in order to improve Korea's security autonomy. To this end, the Trump administration’s foreign security, economic and military alliance policies were analyzed after considering the security-self-regulation exchange theory in light of the Korea-U.S. alliance. Based on the analysis results, policy suggestions were made to overcome the asymmetry of the Ko-rea-U.S. alliance. This research led to the framework of analysis in Chapter 1 after examining the asymmetric alli-ance between Korea and the U.S. through the theory of alliance from the perspective of realism and the theory of security-self-regulation exchange. Chapter 2 analyzes the Trump administration’s foreign security, economic and military alliance policies and examines what the Trump administration emphasizes and aims at in accordance with the U.S. First America stance. Chapter 3 explored ways to overcome the asymmetry of the KoreaU.S. alliance. Chapter 4 made policy suggestions to overcome the asymmetry of the Korea-U.S. alliance. The study concluded that: First, the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific strategy is strategically engaged in conjunction with South Korea's New South-ern Policy. Second, maintain continued economic cooperation with the U.S. to push for mutually beneficial eco-nomic policies for both Seoul and Washington. Third, Korea should improve its U.S.-dependent eco-

… -ROK alliance is now undergoing a period of adjustment as the diminution of the Soviet threat, South Korea's … to US abandonment of its defense commitment to South Korea, and would …

Since the end of World War II, the US military has continuously deployed troops to South Korea. The alliance works as an asymmetrical alliance, where the US is a patron and South Korea is a protégé. While it is argued that this deployment has significant political, economic, and military effects on South Korea and the region, few studies have examined how the presence of US forces there enhances US military and economic power as well as national security interests. In this paper, we examine the costs and benefits of the US–South Korea alliance, specifically focusing on US troop deployment on the Korean Peninsula. In particular, we argue that the US military alliance with South Korea has significant benefits to both partners, but particularly for the sake of US national security interests. In this sense, the protégé state provides significant benefits to the patron state. We discuss the strategic importance of South Korea in US foreign policy in the region and emphasize the benefits of the US–South Korea alliance at the various levels.

… From the perspective of alliance management, this paper studies the evolution of South Korea’s … The study found that the alliance management strategy of South Korea has shifted from …

After the cold war era in 1990's, Turkey was in a position of seeking a partner in the Middle East that could provide cooperation in grooving security challenges from its Middle Eastern neighbours. Because of its geo-strategic importance in the regionshe has done the threat assessments again and has taken the necessary decisions to modernize her armed forces since the second half of 1990's. However, refrained contributions with the pretext of human rights violations of U.S.A. and western countries has led Turkey to put Israeli military and defence industry cooperation in the agenda. Turkish-Israeli relations that continued in a particu lar order since 1994 abruptly reached a braking point with a series of events after Israeli attack in Gazza at the end of 2008. What has changed in the situation to deteriorate the bilateral relations? This article analyses the changing trends in military and security relations between Turkey and Israel in regard to Justice and Develop ment Party government new foreign policy "zero problem with neighbours". It identifies factors that influence the deterioration of relations between two countries and puts forward the overall p icture of the current situation.

ABSTRACT The urgency to better understand small and middle powers’ defence industrial activities is growing, both from a scholarly and a practitioner’s perspective. Few states today possess the defence industrial capabilities to produce all, or even most, of their armaments domestically. With rising development costs, greater complexity inherent in modern military technology, and intensified global market competition, the prospects for states aspiring to build up domestic defence industries, or sustain the ones they already have, look increasing poor. In the face of these strong headwinds many small- and medium-sized powers continue to pursue domestic arms production. What drives them to do so? In this introductory essay to the special issue, we provide an overview of some of the most significant developments in global arms production and how this shapes the choices states are making about their defence industries.

… world leaders in various defense products, must change, or risk default. In this paper we describe the Israeli defense industry, emphasizing its role in Israel’s industrial development. In …

ABSTRACT Countries with limited financial resources, internal markets, and human resources, such as Turkey, face significant challenges in achieving defence autarky and competing with multinational corporations in the international arms market. Consequently, the literature suggests that these countries should adjust their defence industrialisation goals to match their financial capabilities. However, Turkish decision-makers maintain a public discourse emphasising the goal of defence autarky despite the defence industry’s financial crises and structural problems. Even though there is a growing recognition of the limits of the pursuit of defence autarky, Turkey still needs to devise a defence industrial policy focusing on niche markets. This paper argues that the persistent rhetoric of defence autarky enjoys very strong public appeal in domestic politics. Defence industrialisation, coupled with nationalism, creates a zone of impunity for the ruling party. This dynamic allows the ruling party to deflect criticism by highlighting successes in defence production, directly appealing to nationalist sentiments. Ultimately, the political gains for the ruling elites outweigh financial limitations, preventing an open shift toward a more moderate defence industrialisation goal.

… Israeli defence industry from a historical perspective in Israel’… the ineffectiveness of the Turkish defence industry. In the end… here about the defence industrial policy choices of emerging …

ABSTRACT This study offers a comparative analysis of the rapid transformation of Turkey’s defence sector from an import-dependent industry to a rising global arms exporter. It explores three key themes: (1) the historical evolution of the defence industry, (2) its localization efforts, and (3) the strategic interplay between defence production and foreign policy. Through a comparative analysis, the article evaluates and presents the uniqueness of Turkey’s recent defence advancements among other countries, by focusing on its defence exports, military and R&D expenditures, and the rise of its defence companies. The article also evaluates the ‘yerli ve milli’ (domestic and national) initiative and localization efforts in defence sector and questions the feasibility of complete localization.

… The optimal structure of the Israeli defense industry is the focal point of this study. The defense … (4) US government pressure precluded Israel from selling its Merkava tanks to Turkey in …

Abstract Israel is currently one of the world’s leading exporters of defence goods and services. Its defence industries originated in the covert workshops of the Hagana and other resistance groups in the pre-independence era of the 1930s, supplying the pre-state armed forces with light weapons. Mainly relying on imported weapons, the French arms embargo in 1967 came as a shock to Israel’s leadership and public, causing a shift in policy towards self-sufficiency in major battlefield platforms (combat aircraft, armoured vehicles and warships) through indigenous research, development and fabrication. This policy of self-sufficiency was later modified to apply only to such weapons or systems that could not be obtained from abroad either for political or technical reasons. It can be expected that Israel defence industries now will focus more on sophisticated PGM’s and battlefield robotics, whilst the Government will strive to fully privatize the remaining state owned defence industries. How successful this will be remains to be seen.

… important to the Turkish military-industrial establishment.… for Israel Aircraft Industries (IAI) to upgrade Turkey's F-4 Phantom jets. Local Israeli defence industries have also sold Turkey …

… (OPCON) transfer, expand arms purchases from the United States, and acquiesce to an unprecedented increase in cost-sharing contributions constituted a rational series of autonomy …

Strategic effects of military alliances notwithstanding, to assume that their policy will proceed without difficulties is problematic. The ROK‐US alliance began transferring the wartime operational control (OPCON) to the ROK in early 2003. However, the transfer did not proceed as planned, experiencing two delays in June 2010 and October 2014 with a significant format change to the Condition‐based OPCON Transition Plan (COT‐P), meaning the addition of prerequisites for the transfer and the death of the original parallel command structure. What have been the causes of these phenomena and resulting stagnation? This article argues that the allies' strategic consensus over the transfer and the policy coordination in the initiating ally are the main causes of the lethargy. Additionally, this study finds that the impact of the strategic consensus is greater than that of the ROK's policy coordination, as the former is demonstrated in all three indicators of the progress: timeliness, post‐transfer command structure, and the certification assessment through exercises.

… specifying a timeline for returning wartime OPCON to South Korea. But given the … OPCON transfer negotiations became highly politicized in South Korea. Rather than OPCON transfer …

Abstract This research sheds light on the structural causes of the complex and often seemingly contradictory aspects of junior allies’ behavior in an era of global power rivalry. These relatively smaller US allies must deepen cooperation with the US to address some critical security challenges that cannot be dealt with alone, but have failed in three key ways. First, the less capable the US becomes via dwindling resources reserved for meeting allied security needs, the more likely the allied dependence on US military protection is proportionately reduced in the absence of viable alternatives. Second, China’s attempts to drive a wedge between the US and its allies compounds the perception of disunity that results in allied dependence being significantly reduced. Lastly, the smaller states have limited capacity to create a buffer to navigate the rivalry between the two larger nations. Two case studies, the US-ROK and US-Philippines alliances, indicate how junior allied behavior can be seen as contradictory to the allies’ own interests as a consequence of assuming tradeoffs that result from reacting to both major powers’ policy choices, which, in turn, undermines the ability of the smaller states to determine their own security policies.

… military has tendered it autonomous defense to another … autonomous defense while preserving the ROK-US defense alliance. For 18 years, the challenge of wartime OPCON transfer …

ABSTRACT What are the drivers and conditions of South Korea’s defense industry development? What makes South Korea’s growth experience unique? Departing from recent headlines that focus on increasing arms exports, this paper re-visits the key internal and external drivers of defense industry development to unpack what defense industry success entails. The goal is to offer a more nuanced account of the political-economic developments by focusing on the role of the government and technonationalism as the internal factors, and the North Korea threat and the ROK-US alliance as the external factors. In totality, these drivers positively influenced the pursuit of South Korea’s defense industry development under a national commitment to self-reliant defense. At times, however, they created tensions from within regarding how to proceed with indigenous arms development and arms exports, which have become vital assets of South Korea’s defense industry today and will continue to shape its future.

… in Administration's willingness in terms of yielding its autonomy to the United States. The administration did not stop its pursuit of reclaiming the OPCON from the commander of the CFC, …