维和警察

于均涛, 徐妮, 姜忠东(2023). 维和官兵任务中期孤独感调查及相关因素分析. 联勤军事医学, 37(3), 227-230+240.

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Participation in UN peacekeeping missions is one of the forms of international cooperation of the Polish Police, which is a statuary task of this formation. Polish police contingents sent as part of UN missions, although small in number, played a certain role in providing security, as well as brought promotional benefits, and also were significant for exchange of experiences and development of contacts with police forces of other countries. Participation in peacekeeping operations abroad also caused institutional and legal changes in the Polish Police.

ABSTRACT This paper presents findings from interview research with Canadian police officers deployed to the UN peacekeeping missions in Haiti between 2004 and 2017. Focusing on the problem of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), we present three discourses that emerge from this research and their reasoning about the problem of SEA. These discourses suggest that (1) other contributing countries are responsible for the problem of SEA; (2) the UN fails to sanction SEA in practice, while Canada does sanction SEA; and (3) Haitians and Haitian culture undermines efforts to reduce SEA. Using tools of critical discourse analysis, we show how discourses on SEA reinforce a mentality of self-exemption that treats sexual misconduct as a problem in which Canada and Canadians are largely innocent, while the UN, other contributing countries, and Haitians themselves, bear much more fault. We argue that these discourses reproduce a narrative of innocence and contribute to Canada’s national mythology as a do-gooder nation that is largely exempt from perpetrating SEA, despite evidence to the contrary.

The community-oriented policing within the framework of UN peacekeeping operations was considered in the article. Emphasis is placed on the interaction of the police and civil society institutions in the implementation of the law enforcement function of a rule of law state as one of the necessary conditions for its creation and functioning. In the context of many types of interaction between public authorities and public, the partnership model and the concept of community-oriented policing were singled out separately. The definition of community-oriented policing is given and its constituent elements are considered within the framework of the functioning of the United Nations police in peacekeeping missions on a territory of states with a conflict and post-conflict environment. It is concluded that the mechanisms of interaction between the police and public during the implementation of the UN mandate on the territory of a hosting state have shown their effectiveness and can be used as models for effective cooperation between the police and society in the course of building and functioning of a rule of law state.

In the article some issues of professional adaptation of police officers to the service in international police contingents of the UN peacekeeping missions are considered. The problems, stages and types of professional adaptation are discussed. Some practical recommendations are presented to facilitate the adaptation process of a police officer to the conditions of service in peacekeeping missions.

This study systematizes and analyzes the legal aspects of changes in the deployment of international peacekeeping forces over the past 50 years. The article deals with topical political and legal problems facing the peacekeeping activities of the United Nations (UN) and regional international organizations. These problems emanate from both natural institutional and artificially created factors. Overcoming the challenges ahead is possible only through the development of multilateral diplomacy, the aim of which is to achieve long-term and realizable agreements to resolve conflicts and establish lasting and sustainable peace. The study analyzes the role, effect, and potential of peacekeeping operations under the auspices of the UN and other regional international organizations to ensure international security as a timely response to legal and institutional challenges related to the interests of certain players in the world arena, where Russia and some countries in Europe and Asia have been affected.

Despite their remarkable growth in the post-cold war era, UN Peacekeeping Operations ( pko s) have been constantly challenged by personnel shortages, namely, the huge gap between the actual contributions from troop contributing countries ( tcc s) and the size authorized by the Security Council. Insufficient peacekeepers have become one of the major concerns to fulfill UN pko s’ mandates. Although UN pko personnel contributions have been a heated topic in the literature, little heed has been paid to personnel shortages. While we know many pko s are understaffed, we have only limited knowledge on how and why personnel shortfalls vary across pko s and, for a specific pko , across various types of peacekeepers (troops, military observers, and civilian police) and over time. This paper fills the blank of our empirical analysis of UN pko personnel contributions by presenting a new dataset on UN pko Authorized Strength. Using UN Security Council Resolutions and Secretary-General Reports, this dataset provides monthly and annual data for most UN pko s’ authorized strength in the post-cold war era. Using the authorized strength as the benchmark, we analyze the features, patterns, possible reasons as well as consequences of UN pko personnel shortages.

Gender balance in peacekeeping is crucial for sustainable peace and international security. Women and children are most affected by conflict, enduring displacement, sexual and gender-based violence, and limited or no access to healthcare and education. However, women remain underrepresented in peacekeeping missions, holding only a small percentage of military, police, and senior positions. This imbalance hampers peacebuilding efforts. Studies and the experience of female engagement teams show that women's involvement improves intelligence gathering, increases engagement and trust of the local population in UN peace operations, and contributes to more sustainable peace agreements. Despite this, structural underrepresentation, cultural stereotypes, inadequate facilities, and limited opportunities continue to restrict women's roles in peacekeeping. Including women in peacekeeping is not only a matter of justice but also a strategic necessity. Guided by the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda and UNSCR 1325, it emphasises that inclusive peacekeeping builds trust between UN peacekeepers and local communities, protects civilians, aids in implementing UN mandates, and supports post-conflict reconstruction.

ABSTRACT Protection, uncommon in peacekeeping before the 1990s, has become the norm. This article takes issue with this normative shift and explores how the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and Protection of Civilians (POC) have normalized peacekeepers’ protection duty in particular ways. Taking a discursive rather than functionalist approach to norms, I develop the concept of productive contestation to emphasize the polysemic, interactive, and relational essence of norms as social processes with unintended and not necessarily positive consequences. Revisiting the narrative around protection norms and analyzing changes in the peacekeeping principles, I argue that the cosmopolitan R2P helped construct peacekeepers as militarized protectors of individual bodies, while its currently prevalent state-centric version remade them into police protectors of order and stability. This article reinterprets how “robust” protection has transformed in peacekeeping, offering a new way to theorize contestation by making visible the political productivity of contested norms.

Abstract:This article argues that positive US-China relations enabled China in 2004 to diversify its strategy toward Haiti, a staunch supporter of Taiwan, by contributing its first-ever Formed Police Unit (FPU) to the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). The organizational readiness of the China Peacekeeping Police Training Center (CPPTC) also played a large role in shaping this development. With the contribution of its FPUs, China intended to influence Haiti and reset bilateral relations. However, the limited training capacity of CPPTC meant that China could only contribute one FPU at a time—even though contributing more FPUs would have strengthened its influence on Haiti even more. When US-China relations turned negative and Zhou Yongkang, the chief patron of the Chinese police, lost power in 2012, China terminated its participation.

United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations have been pivotal in global efforts to stabilize conflict zones and mitigate violence for over seven decades. Utilizing soldiers, police personnel, and civilian peacekeepers from diverse backgrounds, these missions aim to implement multidimensional mandates while upholding international legitimacy. Beyond traditional roles of maintaining peace and stability, modern peacekeeping endeavours encompass a spectrum of responsibilities, including civilian protection, demobilization, and human rights enforcement, thereby fostering the transition from conflict to peace. However, amidst these noble goals, the UN has faced persistent criticism regarding human rights violations and sexual abuse by peacekeepers. This paper delves into the UN’s efforts to address legal and policy concerns, ensuring human rights protection and restoring the integrity of peacekeeping. It examines normative frameworks guiding peacekeeping missions and the evolving role of human rights therein. Despite advancements, challenges persist, including ambiguous mandates, political discord, and accountability deficits. Ambiguities in\ conceptual frameworks further complicate operationalization, necessitating clarity and coherence in mandates and implementation.Recommendations for improvement include prioritizing civilian protection and human rights, fostering political consensus, and addressing discrepancies in resource allocation. Additionally, measures to ensure accountability, including penalties for troop-contributing countries and re-evaluation of peacekeepers’ immunity, are vital. In conclusion, while UN peacekeeping remains indispensable in global peace efforts, addressing human rights violations and enhancing accountability are imperative to uphold its integrity and effectiveness.

The peacekeeping became actual agenda of international relations due to increased number of internal conflicts with mass human rights violations in different regions of the world including Africa. The problems of ensuring peace and security have become priority for United Nations (UN) and regional organizations involved in constant search of conflict resolution best practices. Peacekeeping actors admitted the key role of law-enforcement agencies, and first of all the police, in ensuring security in conflict or post-conflict reconstruction. Therefore, the UN actively developing the strategy of police methods usage in peacekeeping operations. Because of this process, the number of member states contributing police contingents to the UN including formed police units increased. Joint activity of police officers from different countries with different education, professional experience and specialization requires high-quality training of candidates for peacekeeping operations. The purpose of this article is to analyze the needs of African police officers in professional development and the capabilities of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation in training of African police officers for the UN peacekeeping operations. The study is based on insights from non-participant observation, interviews and analyses of the UN official documents, policies and training materials. Actual Russian and foreign scientific publications were used. Results confirmed that Russian Federation has many years of experience in African policemen training for the UN peacekeeping operations. The promising areas of Russian Federation participation in the development of the peacekeeping potential of African police, along with the provision of standardized pre-deployment training based on the UN certified programs, can be training in the crime investigation methodology and the training of special police units of the UN member states.

Do United Nations peacekeeping operations improve the security of humanitarian aid workers during conflict? Answering this question is important given the critical assistance that humanitarian personnel provide in conflict zones, the increased integration of humanitarian activities in UN operations in recent decades and the growing incidence of attacks against aid workers worldwide. Researchers have found that the presence of peacekeepers does not positively affect aid worker security and may even make humanitarian personnel more vulnerable to violent attacks. However, previous studies have not examined whether the effect of peacekeeping operations on aid worker security is influenced by the personnel composition of UN missions. I hypothesize that operations with more troops are likely to reduce attacks against aid workers, while similar security gains are unlikely to be realized with larger numbers of police or observers. This is due to troops’ specific capabilities, which increase their ability to mitigate high-intensity conflict environments and protect humanitarian personnel traveling on roads. Statistical analyses of monthly data between 2000 and 2015 indicate that greater numbers of UN troops, but not police and observers, are correlated with fewer attacks against aid workers. The implications of these findings are discussed, with an eye toward addressing challenges facing the UN’s force-generation process.

Recent years have seen an increased emphasis on both protection of civilians and the problem of sexual violence. We explore the impact of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping on the occurrence of wartime sexual violence. Acknowledging the difficulty in reducing sexual violence, we propose two conditions under which peacekeepers are more likely to be successful: when the mission has a protection mandate and when the conflict actors exercise a high level of control over their forces. We find that the ability of peacekeepers to reduce sexual violence in general is weak. Only police within protection missions reduces the risk of sexual violence by rebels. However, when the actors exercise control, the number of peacekeepers is associated with a lower risk of sexual violence by both governments and rebels. We conclude that dealing with sexual violence by weak and fragmented actors is a challenging task beyond the current capacity of UN peacekeeping.

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC), one of the main UN bodies, is charged with promoting and upholding international peace and security. The UNSC is empowered by resolutions to deploy peacekeeping forces to any crisis zone to preserve international peace and security. However, these UN peacekeeping missions have encountered moral conundrums in the course of their work using the DRC as a case study, this research sought to investigate the ethical dilemmas faced by UNSC peacekeeping operations in complex African complexes. The main objective of the study was to critically examine the ethical and community dilemmas that the UNSC's peacekeeping missions in the DRC had to deal with. The study used the constitutive theory as the main theory that formed the hinge of the study. Qualitative data was gathered from the Military, Police, Civilian, Prisons and Correctional Services, and diplomats who were selected for their particular experience and proficiency in peacekeeping missions. NVIVO 11 was used to analyze the collected data, and the results yielded themes that the researcher then presented verbatim. In this regard, the study revealed that the UNSC peacekeeping force is confronted with several moral dilemmas, including social disintegration, human casualties, constitutional crises, and UN Charter violations that have resulted in ceaseless wars. Therefore, the study recommends that African nations make security-related investments if they want to protect their national sovereignty from outside influence, reliance, and meddling. African nations must also be self-sufficient and not overly reliant on other nations to solve their problems.

This article examines the role of the Formed Police Unit (FPU) in the perspective of international humanitarian law and international human rights law, particularly in the context of civilian protection in conflict areas. The FPU is an armed police unit deployed in UN peacekeeping missions with a mandate to protect civilians, maintain order, and support post-conflict recovery. Despite its strategic role, the FPU faces legal, operational and socio-cultural challenges. This study uses a normative-juridical approach by analyzing international legal documents, UN operational standards, and academic literature. It is emphasized that the effectiveness of the FPU is highly dependent on human rights-based training, clarity of mandate, logistical readiness, and the ability to build trust with local communities. This article recommends strengthening accountability mechanisms and cross-sector integration in peace missions, so that the FPU is able to carry out its protection mandate substantially and in accordance with applicable international legal principles.

ABSTRACT This article studies norm translation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda by interrogating the ways in which external support can contribute to gendering the security sector in conflict-affected countries. Through a case study of a Norwegian-led Specialized Police Team which provided capacity building in crime scene management to Malian Security Forces as part of the UN mission in Mali, it analyses how different understandings of gender inform gender mainstreaming practice. The analysis shows that while the Norwegian officers worked actively to promote gender equality and women’s participation, the possibilities for capacity building to contribute to a gendering of the security sector are limited by the lack of more transformative understandings of gender to inform practice.

Attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) to post-conflict countries is difficult. After conflict ends, governments struggle to perfectly enforce the institutions which otherwise shield investors from political instability. Reflecting this governance problem, this article presents a new explanation linking United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations to subnational allocations of FDI in post-conflict countries. I specifically argue that deployments of UN peacekeeping police credibly signal to foreign firms where future political instability is least likely to disrupt their operations. Data from Liberia’s extractive sector support my argument. Increasing the local deployment of UN police encourages foreign firms to establish new natural resource concessions, particularly in areas where the government’s capacity to uphold the rule of law is weak.

ABSTRACT How do United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions influence the use of conflict related sexual violence (CRSV) by armed non-state actors? This study argues efficacy is influenced by conditions that precede deployment and the composition of UN forces. Poor intragroup cohesion within rebel ranks incentivizes CRSV, putting peacekeepers in a precarious position upon deployment. UN police improve law enforcement capabilities, build relationships with local communities, and promote information diffusion mechanisms. As a result, UN police are associated with a decrease in CRSV, even in the most difficult environments.

Abstract Since the 1990s, United Nations (UN) peacekeepers have been engaged in multidimensional activities in conflict-affected countries. The existing literature, however, focuses predominantly on the effectiveness of military and police peacekeepers involving the threat of force, and does not shed light on the effectiveness of civilian peacekeepers despite the latter's crucial role in rebuilding local livelihoods and restoring state institutions. Civilian participation in peacekeeping increases both the benefits of peaceful life and the costs of combat. Further, civilian activities, by strengthening the rule of law and political accountability mechanism, contribute to encouraging both the rebels and government to disengage from further violence. Using the original dataset of financial resources for UN peacekeeping operations in the world, from 1988 to 2019, I test hypotheses regarding the impact of civilian expenditures on battle-related deaths. Regression analysis shows that spending on the civilian component in UN peacekeeping reduces battle-related deaths on the government side inflicted by insurgents.

United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping is the largest andmost visible representation of the UN. It represents a collective investment in global peace, security, and stability. Peacekeepers protect civilians, actively prevent conflict, reduce violence, strengthen security, and empower national authorities to assume these responsibilities. Peacekeepers are not an enforcement tool but are highly regarded as an effective instrument for preventing resumption of civil war.1 Over 90,000 personnel from 125 countries contribute troops, police, and civilian personnel. Whereas the United States (US) is the largest financial contributor to UN peace keeping programs, they rank number 82 out of over 120, with 31 peacekeepers (0.00000009 per capita) assigned to the UN. Russia ranks 64th with 72 deployed peacekeepers (0.00000049 per capita), whereas Ukraine ranks 44th with 307 peacekeepers (0.00000743 per capita).2 Peacekeeping training is robust both individually and collectively. In 2007, the UN developed the Integrated Training Service (ITS) as the responsible center for peacekeeping training that focuses on skills of non-violent conflict management to prevent or defuse potentially violent situations during their missions. Bratersky, in 2018, is the first to write about the emergence of both China and Russia in developing alternate views and policies of peacekeeping and the implementation of them in practice.3 He writes that in the US and many European countries, the “goal of peacekeeping and conflict resolution is to protect individual rights and freedoms and to accomplish a democratic transition by replacing authoritarian regimes with liberal-democratic alternatives.” For both Russia and China, “as well as many other emerging powers,” their goal of conflict resolution and peacekeeping is restricted “to preserve and strengthen the local state structures so they can support law and order on their territory and stabilize the situation in the country and the region,” a philosophy that has allowed many autocratic “rising powers” the right to continue to rule.3 With the gradual emergence of autocratic regimes and erosion of liberal democratic institutions, the world experienced a fall from a peak of 45 democratic countries in 2010 to 37 in 2019,4 bringing with it increasing influence and the opportunity for re-interpretation of many crucial prior agreements that guided peacekeepers in the past.5 No operational conditions changed for peacekeepers until a Russian-led alliance with deployed peacekeepers were sent by the UN to Kazakhstan in January 2022. The main tasks of the Russian-led peacekeeping activities and views proved to be divergent on security, human rights, and approach to international affairs as compared to Western counterparts. Bratersky’s study emphasizes Russian peacekeepers historically do not act as neutral arbiters.5 Rather, they support one side, something that those who have observed these missions in practice discuss in private. From a Russian state perspective, supporting one side creates stability—it allows ownership of two-thirds of the struggle. One-sided support has been the practice in previous Russian peacekeeping efforts, for example inMoldova, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh; adding that “Although the Russians have labeled their involvement as a PKO [peace keeping operation], the Russian military has been anything but impartial;” and “Whatmatters is thatMoscow’s approach simply freezes the conflict and maintains control and does not shy about acting unilaterally”5 (it is most interesting that the author ends her theses by stating: “There is no reason to be surprised if Moscow deploys another ‘peacekeeping’ force to make a point. It is only a matter of time”).5 Fast forward to the current conflict in Ukraine. When President Putin announced on February 21, 2022 that he had signed decrees ordering military forces into two separatist regions of Ukraine for “peacekeeping” purposes and recognizing the regions’ independence, no student of the re-interpretation of “peacekeeping” by Russia was surprised other than the 1. Editor for Humanitarian Affairs, Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 2. Senior Fellow and Scientist, Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, T.H. Chan School of Public Health, Harvard University, Boston, Massachusetts USA 3. Department of Security, Polish Air Force University, Dęblin, Poland 4. Department of Surgery, Institute of Clinical Sciences, Sahlgrenska Academy, Gothenburg University, Gothenburg, Sweden 5. Gothenburg EmergencyMedicine Research Group (GEMREG), Sahlgrenska Academy, Gothenburg University, Gothenburg, Sweden

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With no new UN peacekeeping operations authorized since 2017, are they a relic of the past? This article argues that that although UN peacekeeping faces significant headwinds, there are alternatives that fill, at least in part, the gaps. Specifically, there are six alternatives that appear possible, and often likely, in the near future: (1) a return to narrowly mandated UN operations that monitor cease-fires after limited peace agreements, (2) operations carried out by regional organizations, (3) limited actions involving UN civilian police, (4) UN peace initiatives emphasizing diplomacy and technical assistance, (5) “minilateral coalitions of the willing”, and (6) privatization, involving private security services.

ABSTRACT The protection of civilians has moved from the periphery to the core of public perceptions of what UN peacekeeping is for. At the same time, the operational and tactical arts of civilian protection have become better developed, more sophisticated, and more widely known. This turn towards protection has improved UN peacekeeping and, more importantly, saved civilian lives. This piece shows that together, the essays in this collection suggest a need to think more holistically about by situating practices of UN peacekeeping along a broader continuum of practice comprising local actors, unarmed civilian protectors at one end, a more fulsome understanding of the role of UN police and national authorities in the middle, and – at the other end – difficult questions about humanitarian intervention.

ABSTRACT This article introduces a Special Issue on the Protection of Civilians (PoC) efforts in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations. The UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1265 in February 1999, laying the basis for PoC becoming a fundamental part of UN peacekeeping. On the 25th anniversary of this resolution, it’s time to reflect on the various advances, achievements and challenges facing the UN’s PoC agenda. This introduction to the Special Issue outlines the UN’s three-tiered PoC approach: dialogue and engagement, physical protection, and creating a protective environment. Building on this foundation, the Special Issue explores diverse topics, including pre-deployment training, unarmed peacekeeping, host-state consent, military and police roles in protection, the use of force by troops, civilian protection sites in South Sudan, and the unintended effects of peacekeeping missions. Each article contributes insights across the three PoC tiers bringing together cutting edge insights from leading academics and practitioners in the field.

Interoperability is central to UN peace operations. These operations are civilian-led enterprises that pursue complex objectives, which often can only be achieved through the close collaboration of civilian, police, and military actors. As a result, coordination and interoperability between civilian and uniformed personnel in peace operations is not only desirable but often necessary to the success of these missions. Yet, interoperability is not a given. Peace operations face important challenges that can undermine the ability of their different components to work effectively together towards common objectives. Based on observations made during field research in Haiti and time spent at the UN headquarters in New York City, this essay discusses the challenges faced by peace operations in regard to interoperability, factors that facilitate interoperability, and implications for Canada’s announced return to peacekeeping.

ABSTRACT The contested zero-tolerance policy of the United Nations (UN) regulates sexual relations between peacekeepers and civilians while on mission. Though the policy is intended to protect civilians from sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), many have argued, conversely, that it exacerbates their precarity and undermines female sexual agency. This study pushes these debates further by examining how sexual regulatory frameworks endorsed by the UN directly and indirectly impact female peacekeepers. Drawing on interviews conducted with police officers, soldiers, and gendarmes, as well as elite decision makers across four countries (Ghana, Zambia, Uruguay, and Senegal), we argue that strict regulation of sexual behaviors can limit women’s ability to meaningfully participate in peacekeeping operations in two ways. First, it incentivizes and legitimizes domestic security institutions’ decisions to extend “protectionist” zero-tolerance policies to female peacekeepers. When taken to the extreme, these policies can be enforced through gender segregation models that marginalize women in the workplace. Second, banning sex with civilians can inversely channel sexual demands toward female peacekeepers. This can contribute to a hypersexualized work environment in which SEA and harassment is rife. These findings reinforce the need to reconsider policy frameworks governing sexual relations and raise urgent questions regarding the sexual agency of female peacekeepers.

Pointing to the transformation of the boundaries between policing and military operations, the author presents the story of Hungarian UN police peacekeeping missionaries and crisis management operation-veterans.

Emerging and disruptive technologies are increasingly present in our lives, determining the increase in people's living standards and the progress of society. The influence of this type of technologies is present in both the civilian and military environments. In the military environment, by transforming into capabilities, the impact will be significant on defense institutions, but also on classic security strategies, military doctrines, operational concepts, wars. In this paper, using the bibliographical and analytical method, it will be highlighted how emerging and disruptive technologies can be used by hostile forces to increase disinformation and uncertainty in conflict areas where peacekeeping missions are carried out under the auspices of the UN. Personnel participating in UN missions must identify the signs of a disinformation campaign as early as possible and have the necessary knowledge to combat it.

Atrocity sites such as mass grave locations and massacre scenes pose critical challenges and responsibilities for United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations. This article examines how UN peacekeepers have addressed these sites, integrating both theoretical frameworks and practical case studies from past and contemporary missions. It argues that effectively securing and investigating atrocity sites – through evidence preservation, support to justice mechanisms, and memorialization – is essential for accountability and sustainable peace.

This study aims to analyze the involvement of Indonesian FPU (8) at UNAMID in Darfur, Sudan Period 2016-2017. To analyze the case, the author uses several concepts such as, Ethnic Conflict, Preventive Diplomacy, Humanitarian Intervention and Peace Keeping. This research is a qualitative research. The results of this study show that in an effort to muffling a protracted conflict in Darfur-Sudan, caused by the Janjaweed militia and support from Sudanese government that resulted in Ethnic Genocide on Darfur, Sudan. Seen from the prolonged conflict in Darfur, PBB issued a joint Resolution in Darfur-Sudan, called UNAMID (United Nations-African Mission in Darfur). Indonesia as a country that maintain peace feels compelled to participate in peace and security missions in Darfur- Sudan. With the agreement between the United Nations and Indonesia, Indonesia sent the FPU Police Task Force to Darfur-Sudan as a Peace Operation to stop the conflict in Darfur, Sudan. In his duty FPU 8 Indonesia as PKO, has important duties: 1) Maintain Conflict in the form of ceasefire and humanitarian protection and, 2) Conserve peace in the form of human rights and humanitarian aid.

United Nations peacekeeping operations (UNPKO) have been deployed in conflict-affected countries for decades. While we thoroughly understand what UNPKOs are mandated to do, there is little research on what activities peacekeepers actually do upon deployment in their host countries and in which sequence, if any. To address this gap, we formulate descriptive hypotheses about the number of implemented peacekeeping activities, the expansion toward new activity categories, and the sequencing of implemented activities. We use the novel Extended Peacekeeping Activity Dataset to evaluate our theoretical expectations for all UNPKOs deployed after the end of the Cold War until 2017. Our findings show that UNPKOs implement more activities over time. Yet, the expansion of UNPKOs’ activities into new activity categories by generation (second, third, and stabilization) is not as clear-cut in practice as expected. Instead, there is a notable expansion of activities within activity categories—especially during third-generation UNPKOs. Finally, we find a security-first sequencing for second- and third-generation UNPKOs, while stabilization UNPKOs implement a high share of security activities long after initial deployment.

Do United Nations peacekeeping operations (UNPKOs) foster foreign direct investment (FDI) in host countries over time? I argue that the deployment of UNPKOs increases FDI by signaling credibility in peace and the rule of law. However, once peacekeepers depart, uncertainty regarding political stability, due to premature withdrawal and unemployment shocks deters investment in the short term. Over time, however, FDI increases as investors recognize the country's growing resilience, shaped by the legacy of UNPKOs. Empirical analyses test these hypotheses, demonstrating that while the departure of peacekeepers initially slows investment, it ultimately accelerates FDI inflows in the long run.

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Peacekeeping has been found to be effective in containing conflict and civilian victimization, while the findings for the effect of aid on violence are indeterminate. So far the effects of peacekeeping and aid on violence have mainly been studied separately, this article investigates, at the subnational level, the effect of humanitarian aid on one-sided violence conditional on the deployment of peacekeeping forces. Although humanitarian aid can occasionally exacerbate violence, it is argued that peacekeepers reverse this unintended consequence of the provision of aid. We argue that they do so by means of sharing information and the provision of security bubbles. Empirically, we look at the coincidence of subnational location of humanitarian agencies and peacekeeping troops and find support for the idea that the effect of aid on violence against civilians is conditional on the presence of peacekeepers.

The persistent prevalence of armed conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa has necessitated the continuous deployment of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions aimed at maintaining peace and facilitating post-conflict recovery. Despite these efforts, the region remains plagued by violence, state fragility, and recurring crises, raising critical questions about the actual impact of UN peacekeeping missions on conflict resolution. This study investigates the effectiveness of UN peacekeeping operations in resolving conflicts and fostering sustainable peace in Sub-Saharan Africa. Anchored in liberal institutionalism and conflict transformation theory, the research assesses the extent to which UN interventions have achieved their intended goals. Employing a qualitative, case study approach, the study draws on secondary data from UN reports, academic literature, and policy analyses. It examines four key missions: MONUC/MONUSCO in the Democratic Republic of Congo, UNMISS in South Sudan, MINUSMA in Mali, and MINUSCA in the Central African Republic. The findings reveal mixed outcomes: while the missions have contributed to civilian protection, humanitarian support, and the reduction of open hostilities, they have often fallen short in addressing the root causes of conflict, facilitating political reconciliation, and achieving long-term peace. Key challenges identified include mandate ambiguity, limited resources, lack of local ownership, and complex political environments. The study concludes that while UN peacekeeping missions play a critical role in stabilising conflict zones, their effectiveness in achieving comprehensive conflict resolution remains constrained by operational, structural, and political limitations. To enhance their impact, the study recommends clearer mandates, stronger collaboration with regional organisations such as the African Union, greater investment in peacebuilding, and increased inclusion of local actors in the peace process. The paper contributes to ongoing debates on global peacekeeping practices and offers insights for policymakers and international actors involved in African conflict resolution.

Peacekeeping is a global challenge that requires active engagement from the international community. One increasingly necessary form of involvement is through the deployment of civilian peacekeepers. Indonesia, as a nation with a longstanding commitment to UN peacekeeping missions, can play a more active and significant role in providing civilian peacekeepers. This research aims to analyze the strategies and concrete steps that Indonesia can take to enhance its participation in UN peacekeeping missions through civilian peacekeepers. By reviewing past experiences and contributions, this study provides profound insights into Indonesia's potential contributions in this context. The research methodology involves analyzing Indonesia's foreign policy, case studies on civilian peacekeeper participation, and interviews with relevant stakeholders, including government representatives, non-governmental organizations, and academic figures. The research findings indicate that increasing Indonesia's participation in UN peacekeeping missions through civilian peacekeepers requires enhancing human resource capacity, strengthening inter-agency cooperation, and formulating more directed policies. The implications of these findings include recommendations for strengthening training programs, developing international cooperation agreements, and actively using diplomacy to promote Indonesia's role as a civilian peacekeeper. By exploring potential and addressing existing challenges, this research presents a comprehensive view of how Indonesia can more effectively contribute to UN peacekeeping missions through civilian peacekeepers, with the hope of strengthening Indonesia's role in maintaining global peace and security.

Indonesia’s participation in the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) demonstrates its strong commitment to international peacekeeping while functioning as a key instrument of defense diplomacy. Nevertheless, an evolving security environment and the requirements of implementing the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UN PKO) New Model demand a high degree of operational preparedness from the Garuda Contingent. This study seeks to examine the operational readiness of Satgas Garuda, evaluate the application of UN PKO New Model principles, and analyze their strategic implications for Indonesia’s defense diplomacy. A qualitative descriptive approach is employed, utilizing in-depth interviews, document review, and a SWOT analysis supported by IFAS–EFAS matrices. The results indicate that Satgas Garuda’s operational readiness is classified as high, driven by professionalism, discipline, and well-structured pre-deployment training, although challenges persist in logistical support and communication interoperability. The UN PKO New Model has been effectively implemented through CIMIC initiatives, compliance with international legal frameworks, and adaptive engagement with local contexts. From a strategic perspective, the achievements of Satgas Garuda contribute to enhancing Indonesia’s global standing and reinforcing its role in international defense diplomacy

This paper explores the dilemma states face when choosing between domestic concerns and international obligations in international Peacekeeping operations (pko s) and peace support operations (pso s). Most of the existing literature focuses on the nature, number, distribution, success, and failures of pko s and pso s. However, little attention has been directed to the delicate balance contributing countries face due to competing domestic and international interests. Using a qualitative method approach, this study examines efforts by Kenya to deploy a contingent of National Police Service (nps) officers to Haiti as part of an international peace support intervention. The authors argue that weaponization of information is increasingly posing a serious dilemma for countries involved in peacekeeping. By looking at the controversies that have engulfed Kenya’s deployment of its national police to Haiti, the study analyses how the framing of peacekeeping operations is likely to affect the legitimacy, trust and increase polarization.

United Nations peacekeeping continues to be tied to Canadian identity, albeit in complex and contradictory ways. This research study was motivated by Canada's Elsie Initiative and renewed rhetorical commitments to feminist foreign policy under former prime minister Justin Trudeau. It draws on in-depth interviews with Canadian servicewomen and veterans deployed on UN peacekeeping operations from the 1990s to the early 2020s. Its aim is to understand how peacekeeping continues to be tied to Canadian identity, despite Canada's decline in contributions, and how Canadian women peacekeepers make sense of their roles on missions, including their views on whether their participation improves operational effectiveness. Interview participants described peacekeeping as both meaningful and fraught. Many resisted narratives that position women as solutions to complex mission challenges, noting the burdens of visibility and stereotyping, among others. Contributing to literature on Canadian peacekeeping and its gendered underpinnings, the findings can inform future policy directions.

The effectiveness of United Nations peacekeeping, long considered a key mechanism of international conflict resolution, has remained a subject of ongoing debate. This study investigates the critical role of host-state consent and cooperation in determining the success of UN peace operations. Focusing on two multidimensional UN missions—UNAMSIL in Sierra Leone and UNMISS in South Sudan—the research examines how variations in host-state consent and cooperation influence operational effectiveness. Both missions were authorised under Chapter VII of the UN Charter and deployed in countries characterised by fragility and prolonged conflict marked by persistent violence. Despite these structural similarities, the outcomes of the two missions diverged significantly. To shed light on this divergence, the study adopts a most-similar systems design and finds that sustained host-state consent and cooperation was a key determinant of mission success. These findings highlight the importance of host-state cooperation beyond strategic consent, with implications for the future of peace operations in fragile and complex contexts.

Can peacekeeping improve public health in post-conflict regions? Supporting health care is not a directly mandated task for peacekeepers. I posit that peacekeeping should nonetheless expand health care access and availability through three main pathways. First, peacekeepers facilitate infrastructure (re)building, increasing available health care resources and enabling access to them. Second, expanding perceived security encourages civilians to travel to access care, which medical professionals are more likely available to provide. Third, peacekeepers directly address urgent health needs by supporting humanitarian aid delivery and conducting short-term health-related projects. I pair geocoded data on peacekeeping deployments with survey data on health care access and infrastructure from more than a million households in 32 African states between 1992 and 2022 to evaluate peacekeepers' impact. I find extremely robust support for the role of peacekeepers in supporting public health. Across multiple metrics, including proximity to clean water, treatment coverage for common yet potentially deadly conditions, vaccination access and maternal care, local peacekeeping deployments consistently correlate with substantially expanded health care access. These findings add a vital dimension to our understanding of how peacekeeping supports positive peace and long-term societal well-being in the wake of armed conflict.

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Long applying a carrot and stick approach to winning diplomatic allies in a sometimes ludicrous contest with Taiwan over diplomatic recognition, today China strives to establish itself as a “status quo” player in the international arena. “Softpower” replaces ideological approaches to the world, as in the sponsorship of scores of Confucius Institutes throughout the world, in hosting the Olympic Games, and even through the advent of mass Chinese tourism. “Resource diplomacy,” that is the quest to secure natural resources, is emblematic of the scale of China's economic reach. At the same time, China is increasing participation in international peacekeeping missions, notably the dispatch of civilian police to such locations as East Timor, Haiti, and Lebanon. In 2000, China established a peacekeeping training center in Hebei province. China can also be proactive on international issues, as with its leading role in the 6-Party Talks on North Korea nuclear weapons, and its 3 May 2009 call for the establishment of a peacekeeping role in Somalia. While China's “string of pearls” approach to the construction of ports and naval bases across the Bay of Bengal to the Indian Ocean may alarm, the projection of its naval assets to the coast of Africa should not surprise given the international character of the “war” against piracy. In short, with China's accession to WTO and other international fora, alongside its sustained economic growth and its position as the largest owner of foreign reserves in the world, including U.S. debt in the form of treasuries, the nation of over a billion people is carving out a central position in world affairs.

The qualitative study described in this article took place with officers from the Ecuadorian Army. Interviews included 12 officers of four ranks who had each served on a minimum of one 12-month United Nations (UN) peacekeeping mission. Data was recorded and transcribed and then analyzed using a qualitative data analysis program. Information from these interviews was organized into four main themes: 1) upholding standards of training; 2) multiple diverse command and control practices; 3) a mission as a cultural exchange; and 4) journey from conflict to peace. This article focuses on the first theme on upholding standards of training. Officers discussed their own preparation and compared it to that of colleagues from other countries. They related the lack of required skills displayed by some groups of officers and spoke of the need to guide them to task completion or to shoulder extra responsibilities themselves. Participants related the need for more training in a number of areas including diplomacy, negotiations, and cross-cultural competencies. The vast majority of UN peacekeepers now come from militaries in the Global South. A multitude of analytics find that many of these countries are less peaceful, less democratic, less economically powerful, and have militaries that are less highly trained than the peacekeeping nations of the Global North, which dominated peacekeeping missions in previous decades. These men and women have not been studied to understand their perspectives on the peacekeeping missions they participated in and the leadership they experienced. Assessing the phenomenon of peacekeeping through the lens of these soldiers will aid militaries and the larger UN community to understand and meet the needs of all officers engaging on a mission.

ABSTRACT Identifying peacekeeping as practical ethics helps analyze how the problems of existing approaches to military ethical training led to practical problems of standard setting. This article illustrates the value of understanding ethics as a theoretical framework to confront and prepare for moral practice. Pointing out the problems in terms of how military ethics ascertain the nature of ethics, the field of military ethics frames problems in ways that undermine standard settings for moral practice. Specifying these problems complements established theoretical inputs and helps peacekeepers better adjust to the moral choices and dilemmas ahead. This is particularly because military ethical training is also about coming to terms with society’s moral standards and demands that led to peacekeeping and peacebuilding missions in the first place. The article illustrates the advantages and disadvantages of this approach to military ethical training with the example of Austrian peacekeeper ethical training.

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